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CIVIC ATTITUDES IN AMERICAN
SCHOOL TEXTBOOKS

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS, CHICAGO

THE BAKER & TAYLOR CO., NEW YORK; THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY

PRESS, LONDON; THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA, TOKYO, OSAKA,
KYOTO, FUKUOKA, SENDAi; THE COMMERCIAL PRESS, LIMITED, SHANGHAI

^

CIVIC ATTITUDES

IN AMERICAN SCHOOL

TEXTBOOKS

By BESSIE LOUISE PIERCE

The University of Chicago

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS
CHICAGO • ILLINOIS

COPYRIGHT 1930 BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. PUBLISHED SEPTEMBER 1930

COMPOSED AND PRINTED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, U.S.A.

EDITOR'S PREFACE

This study of civic education is one of a series of similar
analyses in a variety of states. Broadly speaking, the common
purpose of these inquiries has been that of examining objectively
the systems of civic cohesion in a group of states, of determining
the broad trends of civic training in these modern nations, and
of indicating possibilities in the further development and con-
trol of civic education. In two of these cases, Italy and Russia,
striking experiments are now being made in the organization of
new types of civic loyalty. Germany, England, the United States,
and France present instances of powerful modern states, and the
development of types of civic cohesion. Switzerland and Aus-
tria-Hungary are employed as examples of the difficulty experi-
enced in reconciling a central political allegiance with divergent
and conflicting racial and religious elements.

The series includes volumes on the following subjects:

Soviet Russia, by Samuel N. Harper, Professor of Russian Language
and Institutions in the University of Chicago.

Great Britain, by John M. Gaus, Professor of Political Science, Uni-
versity of Wisconsin.

Austria-Hungary, by Oscar Jaszi, formerly of Budapest University,
now Professor of Political Science in Oberlin College.

The United States, by Carl Brinkmann, Professor of Political Econ-
omy in the University of Heidelberg.

Italy, by Herbert W. Schneider, Professor of Philosophy in Colum-
bia University, and Shepherd M. Clough, of Columbia University.

Germany, by Dr. Paul Kosok, New York City.

Switzerland, by Robert C. Brooks, Professor of Political Science in
Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, Pennsylvania.

France, by Carleton J. H. Hayes, Professor of History in Columbia
University. (This is a part of the Columbia University series of
"Studies in Post-war France" and is included here because of its
intimate relation to the other volumes in the series.)

Civic Attitudes in American School Textbooks, by Bessie L. Pierce,
Associate Professor of History in the University of Chicago.

vii

viii EDITOR'S PREFACE

The Duk-Duks, by Elizabeth Weber, Instructor of Political Science,

Hunter College, New York City.
Comparative Civic Education, by Charles E. Merriam, Professor of

Political Science in the University of Chicago.

Wide latitude has been given and taken by the individual
collaborators in this study, with the understanding, however, (1)
that as a minimum there would be included in each volume an
examination of the social bases of political cohesion and (2) that
the various mechanisms of civic education would be adequately
discussed. There is inevitably a wide variation in point of view,
method of approach, and in execution of the project. Investi-
gators differ widely in aptitude, experience, and environment.

Of the various investigators the question may be asked: What
part do the social groupings play in the spirit of the state? What
is the attitude of the economic groups which for this purpose
may be considered under certain large heads, as the attitude of
the business element, of the agricultural group, or of labor?
What is the relation of the racial groups toward the political
group whose solidarity is in question? Do they tend to integrate
or disintegrate the state? What is the position of the religious
factors in the given society, the Catholic, the Protestant, the
Jewish? How are they concerned in loyalty toward the political
unit? What is the place of the regional groupings in the politi-
cal unit? Do they develop special tendencies alone or in company
with other types of groupings already mentioned? What is the
relation of these competing loyalties to each other?

It cannot be assumed that any of these groups have a special
attraction or aversion toward government in general; and the
analysis is not conducted with any view of establishing a uni-
formity of interest or attachment in any type of group, but
rather of indicating the social composition of the existing politi-
cal units and authorities. It may well be questioned whether
there is any abstract loyalty, political or otherwise. These politi-
cal loyalties are determined by concrete interests, modified by
survivals that no longer fit the case and by aspirations not yet
realized. The cohesion is a resultant of conflicting forces, or
a balance of existing counterweights, a factor of the situation.

EDITOR'S PREFACE ix

All these factors may change and the balance may be the same,
or one may change slightly and the whole balance may be over-
thrown. It is the integration of interests that counts, not the
special form or character of any one of them.

Among the mechanisms of civic education which it is hoped to
analyze are the schools, the role of governmental services and
officials, the place of the political parties, and the function of
special patriotic organizations ; or, from another point of view,
the use of traditions in building up civic cohesion, the place of
political symbolism, the relation of language, literature, and
the press to civic education, the position occupied by locality
in the construction of a political loyalty ; and, finally, it is hoped
that an effective analysis may be made of competing group loyal-
ties rivaling the state either within or without.

In these groups there is much overlapping. It would be pos-
sible to apply any one or all of the last-named categories to any
or all of the first. Thus the formal school system made and does
utilize language and literature, or symbolism, or love of locality,
or make use of important traditions. Symbolism and traditions
may and do overlap — in fact, must if they are to serve their pur-
pose; while love of locality and language may be and are inter-
woven most intimately.

Intricate and difficult of comprehension as some of these pat-
terns are, they lie at the basis of power; and control systems,
however crude, must constantly be employed and invented to deal
with these situations. The device may be as simple as an ancient
symbol or as complicated as a formal system of school training,
but in one form or other these mechanisms of cohesion are con-
stantly maintained.

In the various states examined, these devices will be traced and
compared. The result will by no means attain the dignity of
exact measurement but will supply a rough tracing of outlines
of types and patterns in different cities. It is hoped, however,
that these outlines will be sufficiently clear to set forth some
of the main situations arising in the process of political control
and to raise important questions regarding the further develop-
ment of civic education.

x EDITOR'S PREFACE

It may be suggested that the process by which political co-
hesion is produced must always be considered with reference to
other loyalties toward other groups in the same society. Many
of the devices here described are common to a number of com-
peting groups and can be more clearly seen in their relation to
each other, working in co-operation or competition, as the situ-
ation may be. The attitude of the ecclesiastical group or the
economic group, or the racial or cultural group, or any of them,
profoundly influences the nature and effect of the state's attempt
to solidify political loyalty; and the picture is complete only
when all the concurrent or relevant factors are envisaged.

These devices are not always consciously employed although
they are spoken of here as if they were. It often happens that
these instrumentalities are used without the conscious plan of
anyone in authority. In this sense it might be better to say that
these techniques are found rather than willed. At any rate, they
exist and are operating.

These eight or nine techniques are only rough schedules or
classifications of broad types of cohesive influences. They are
not presented as accurate analyses of the psychology of learn-
ing or teaching the cohesive process of political adherence. They
presuppose analysis of objectives which has not been made, and
they presuppose an orderly study of the means of applying
objectives; and this also has not been worked out in any of the
states under consideration.

This study of Civic Attitudes in American School Textbooks is
based upon Dr. Pierce's examination of about 400 texts in com-
mon use. These volumes have been carefully analyzed with a view
to ascertaining significant attitudes toward important phases of
civic life in America. In view of the large place held by schools
and textbooks in the civic education of modern states, this in-
quiry should prove useful in revealing some of the actualities
and some of the possibilities in the special phase of the process
of political education. Dr. Pierce's study will be followed by a
full discussion of the Civic Education in the United States now
in preparation by Professor Carl Brinkman, of Heidelberg Uni-
versity, Heidelberg, Germany.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE

In American educational practice of the present, the two chief
agencies of instruction in subject matter are the teacher and
the textbook. To call attention to the importance of the latter
is both needless and commonplace, and to decry its influence in
the hands of a good teacher is beside the point, for in many cases
it falls into the hands of a poorly prepared teacher and there-
fore must have considerable weight in fashioning patterns of
thought in the child.

This study deals with the content of textbooks in history,
civics or citizenship, sociology, and economics sometimes called
"problems of democracy," geography, reading, music, and foreign
language commonly found in the elementary grades and in the
junior and senior high school, selected from lists of state adop-
tions of prescribed, recommended, and approved books, as well
as those chosen by administrators of city systems. Although it
does not contain all textbooks which form the basis of instruction
in these fields, it is a safe assertion that it has included those
most frequently found in the schools. Superintendents of public
instruction in all states and many superintendents of city sys-
tems were asked to submit the list of books used in the schools
under their direction. The extent to which each book was used
is not known. The study includes 97 histories, 67 books in civic,
sociological, and economic problems, 45 geographies, 109 readers,
10 French books, 4 textbooks in Italian, 7 in Spanish, and 50
music-books. Besides these, sixty-three courses of study, or syl-
labi, published by state departments of public instruction and
typical city systems were read. The French books were chosen
from Van Home's list of the most commonly used books in this
subject for high schools. In addition to the books appearing
in the lists mentioned, some published since these lists were issued
were also scrutinized, since later they may be included among
the books approved for use.

xi

xii AUTHOR'S PREFACE

All books were surveyed to discover the civic attitudes which
might be gained by a pupil who read them. It was the purpose
of the study to ascertain what reactions might be engendered to-
ward peoples, policies, and customs of other lands, to gather
what other peoples think of the United States, and to find out
what attitudes might be developed in the American boy or girl
reading these books. The characteristics and achievements of
the American, his relationship to his fellow-man, and his duty
toward his country were considered. In other words, from a study
of textbooks frequently found in the schools, what opinions can
American boys and girls of the present form concerning their
own country and of other countries? What makes up the warp
and woof of their reactions to civic situations ? As touching upon
the problem in general, the influence of the lawmaking bodies of
our commonwealths in determining the character of the curricu-
lum has also been treated.

Possibly the conclusions reached in the following chapters
might be slightly different from those set down if another in-
vestigator had performed the same task, but in the main they
undoubtedly would be the same. To advocate what should be
the content of textbooks does not fall within the confines of this
study, for it is designed to be purely pathological and objective.
For this reason quotations often chosen as representative of
the thought in other books, as well as of the textbook from which
they are extracted, appear frequently.

Aside from the study of Charles Altschul in 1917 dealing with
the American Revolution in school histories and the work of Don-
ald A. Taft in comparing textbooks of different countries touch-
ing the same event, little has been done in the United States to
determine the character of civic instruction as derived from text-
books. In Europe, several studies have been made in a similar
vein, although not identical in character. Among the best known
are Prudhommeaus' Enquete sur les limes scolaires d'apres-
guerre, published in 1925 by the Dotation Carnegie pour la Paix
Internationale ; the Report on Nationalism in History Textbooks,
prepared and compiled by the Working Committee of a Special
Commission on Education (Stockholm) ; Jonathan F. Scott's

AUTHOR'S PREFACE xiii

analysis of textbooks published over the title of The Menace of
Nationalism in Education; Carlton J. H. Hayes's study in his
France: A Nation of Patriots; and Mark Starr's Lies and Hate
in Education.

In the preparation of this volume I am indebted to many
publishers of textbooks for their generosity in providing copies
of their publications. To them I would here express my appreci-
ation. My personal thanks are also due to Professor Charles
E. Merriam, of the University of Chicago, for his suggestions

and direction. T> T T>

1>. .Li. 1 .

TABLE OF CONTENTS
PART I. TEXTBOOKS IN HISTORY

CHAPTER PAGE

I. SPAIN AND THE UNITED STATES IN HISTORY TEXTBOOKS 3

II. ENGLAND AND AMERICA ...... . . . 9

III. FRANCE IN UNITED STATES HISTORY TEXTBOOKS 48

IV. GERMANY IN AMERICAN HISTORY TEXTBOOKS . . ; 55

V. THE RELATION OF THE UNITED STATES TO COUNTRIES

OF THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE . . . . . . . 68

VI. RUSSIA IN UNITED STATES HISTORY TEXTBOOKS . . 77

VII. COUNTRIES OF THE FAR EAST IN AMERICAN HISTORIES 80

VIII. RACIAL ELEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES .... 84

IX. THE DEPENDENCIES OF THE UNITED STATES ... 93

X. THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES . . . 100

XI. POLITICAL CONCEPTS 102

XII. THE AMERICAN: His ACHIEVEMENTS, IDEALS, AND

COUNTRY . . ... . 106

XIII. INTERNATIONAL ATTITUDES IN SOME EUROPEAN HIS-
TORY TEXTBOOKS 131

PART II. TEXTBOOKS IN CIVICS, IN SOCIOLOGY,
IN ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS

XIV. THE AMERICAN CITIZEN: His RIGHTS AND DUTIES . 139
XV. THE AMERICAN AND OTHER PEOPLES . . . . .151

XVI. THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICA .... . . 167

PART III. TEXTBOOKS IN GEOGRAPHY

XVII. THE UNITED STATES AND PEOPLES OF OTHER COUN-
TRIES . . ... . . ....... 175

XVIII. THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES . '. . 188

XV

xvi TABLE OF CONTENTS

PART IV. READERS

CHAPTER PAGE

XIX. THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER NATIONS .... 193
XX. THE AMERICAN AND His COUNTRY 207

PART V. TEXTBOOKS IN MUSIC AND
FOREIGN LANGUAGE

XXI. Music

XXII. FOREIGN LANGUAGE

PART VI. OFFICIAL POLICIES

XXIII. LAWS AFFECTING Civic INSTRUCTION 229

XXIV. COURSES OF STUDY . 242

CONCLUSION . 253

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED ; . »' . 257

INDEX . 285

PART I
TEXTBOOKS IN HISTORY

CHAPTER I

SPAIN AND THE UNITED STATES IN HISTORY
TEXTBOOKS

The year 1492 marks the beginning of contacts of the pupil
of American history with world-events and peoples. His study
of the period of the exploration of America introduces him to
daring, "harsh," and "cruel" Spanish adventurers searching for
gold in the New World, men of avarice and mere soldiers of
fortune.1 They were "men of primitive character," asserts The
Story of Our American People. "That is to say they acted with
little thought. Their emotions were unusually selfish and knew
small guidance or control. Their hates were fierce and brutal.
Their trust in romance was extravagant. Their desires were for
obvious things, riches, power, fame."2 In their relations with the
natives, the Spaniards are described as especially harsh and
cruel, although contributing to the Indians "many useful les-
sons."3

An opposite point of view is expressed by a history for Cath-
olic schools, which declares: "To Spain is due the discovery of
the New World ; she it was who opened it up to civilization. Her
teachers taught the Spanish language and Christian faith to
thousands of aborigines." Her "policy toward the Indians was

Charming, A Students' History of the United States, p. 30; Forman,
Advanced American History, p. 13; McLaughlin, History of the American
Nation, p. 15. These are typical examples. Most histories paint the Spanish
in this way.

2 Charles Home, The Story of Our American People, I, 44. The history
indorsed by the American Legion designed for seventh or eighth grade.
This is taken from the "advance" edition. It should be said, however, that
this textbook is probably not widely used at the present. Muzzey, in his
An American History, mentions their spirit of romance as well as mis-
sionary zeal (p. 13). See also his History of the American People, p. 25.
Muzzey's textbook has wide use.

3Burnham, The Making of Our Country, p. 13. This is a textbook for
junior high school.

3

4 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

one of humanity, justice, education and moral suasion," although
"individual Spaniards broke the strict law of their country and
treated the Indians with the utmost cruelty."4

Few authors find much in the Spaniard to commend. Channing
and Burnham mention their "energy" and the "hardships" en-
countered in the daring exploit of exploring a new world. Yet
their colonial system is described as entirely lacking religious
and political freedom.5

Undoubtedly the incident which will most permanently im-
press itself upon the pupil is that of the cruelty of Menendez to
Ribaut, whose "settlement was a double defiance both of their
country and of their religion." In colorful language are chron-
icled Menendez' approach to Florida and the scattering of the
French fleet by a hurricane, welcomed by the Spaniards as "the
direct protection of Providence."

Home writes in The Story of Our American People,

While the great storm still raged, Menendez and a company of
his soldiers struggled secretly northward against its fury, and sud-
denly in the midst of the tempest attacked the French settlement

Every male prisoner was hanged, and the bodies were left with a
notice beside them that they had been slain "not as Frenchmen but as
heretics." Then Menendez returned in triumph to St. Augustine; and
when the wretched survivors of Ribaut's wrecked fleet were found
there upon the beach, they also were slain. Only at the last did the
stern Spaniard's fierceness fail him. He spared some few of the last

men along with the women and children The Spanish king

promptly approved Menendez' slaughter of the captured "heretics,"
criticized him only for sparing the survivors and condemned these to
become "galley slaves."6

Although not couched in such stirring language as the passage
quoted, other histories at present in use in the schools discuss
the attack of Menendez, who is generally described as cruel and

4 The Franciscan Sisters of the Perpetual Adoration, A History of the
United States for Catholic Schools, pp. 42-43. Muzzey, An American History,
notes the missionary spirit of the early Spanish. See p. 13. Thus it is seen
that it is mentioned also by others than Catholic authors.

B Channing, op. cit.; Burnham, op. cit., p. 14.

8 Home, op cit., pp. 83-84.

SPAIN AND THE UNITED STATES 5

merciless7 and who "butchered in cold blood" the Huguenot set-
tlement.8

Children reading the History of the United States for Catho-
lic Schools by Charles H. McCarthy will get a different impres-
sion of the Menendez-Ribaut episode. In a footnote to the gen-
eral discussion in which none of the details appear lurid, Dr.
McCarthy says:

This affair, bad enough in any view, is misrepresented in some
books, where it is said that the French, who were nearly all Protes-
tants, were massacred by the Spaniards on account of their religion.
There is no doubt that the religion of the French settlers added to
the anger of the Spaniards, but it must also be remembered that
the Spaniards first knew their neighbors as pirates. The French
Huguenots were just as cruel as Spanish Catholics. About ten years
before, 1555, Jacques de Sorie captured the castle at Havana and
though he promised quarter to its garrison, put all his prisoners to
the sword. He then burned churches and mutilated images.9

The later exploits of the Spanish are described in equally
uncomplimentary terms in textbooks found particularly in Prot-
estant schools. Neither the policy of Spain in Louisiana as it
affected the West10 nor Spanish colonial policy is discussed in
a manner which will tend to change the attitude already gained
by the pupil. Thompson, in his History of the People of the
United States, for example, says: "The Spanish colonies in
America were long suffering. The colonial policy of Great Brit-
ain, on account of which the United States fought and won its
independence, was generous in comparison with the colonial policy
of Spain." Evans, in The Essential Facts in American History,
mentions the "iron hand of tyranny and extortion" used by Spain
in her American colonies, inhabited by a people whom Garner and
Henson describe as "down-trodden."1

7 Forman, op. cit., p. 17; Guitteau, Our United States, p. 231; Thomp-
son, A History of the United States, p. 24.

8Latane, A History of the United States, pp. 13-14.

9 McCarthy, The History of the United States for Catholic Schools,
p. 38.

10 Burnham, op. cit.} p. 222.

"Thompson, History of the People of the United States, p. 251; Evans,
The Essential Facts in American History, p. 279; Garner and Henson, Our
Country's History, p. 278.

6 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Nida points out in The Dawn of American History in Europe:
The Spanish were earliest upon our shores, but they wasted their
time and resources in wild searches for gold, until they lost control
of the sea. They did not know the importance of honest labor, nor
did they appreciate the value of thinking men in politics or religion.
They made a mistake in denying liberty of thought to their people.
Every prosperous nation must have workers and thinkers, but Spain
had neither. The Spanish rulers and nobles claimed to have Teu-
tonic blood in their veins, but they had lost the spirit of liberty
and all other virtues of the Teutons. Since they misunderstood their
own people and misgoverned their own country, it is no wonder they
failed in the struggle for possession of America.12

After the passage of four centuries, the same characteristics
still seem a part of Spanish rule. It was the tyranny and selfish-
ness of Spain's colonial policy which are said to have "compelled"
the American government "in the interests of humanity" to in-
tervene, in 1898, in the revolt of Cuba.13

Thompson declares in the History of the People of the United
States:

The peoples of the United States could not be indifferent to the
conditions in Cuba. The island lies but a little more than a hundred
miles from Florida. So long as it was held by a foreign power, it
might in time of war, become a source of danger as a base for the
enemy's operations.

But over and above these considerations, the American people
had a genuine sympathy for the Cubans in their struggle for liberty
and an abhorrence for the Spanish mode of warfare,14

a system full of "barbarities" and "inhuman methods."15

The archtraitor in the Spanish-Cuban struggle is General
Weyler, "a fiercely resolute general" known to Cubans as "the

12 Nida, The Dawn of American History in Europe, p. 365.

"Mace, School History of the United States, p. 448. See also Guitteau,
op. cit., pp. 525, 526; Tryon and Lingley, The American People and Nation,
p. 580; Barker, Webb, and Dodd, The Growth of a Nation, p. 608; Muzzey,
The American People, p. 509; and others.

14 Thompson, History of the People of the United States, p. 438. Also men-
tioned, among others, by Tryon and Lingley, and Muzzey.

15Woodburn and Moran, Elementary American History and Government,
p. 413; Gordy, History of the United States, p. 423.

SPAIN AND THE UNITED STATES 7

butcher,"16 whose reconcentrados led Americans to send Cubans
food and medical aid and to condemn such "horrible conditions"
in the platforms of both great political parties in 1896.17

[Thus] after thirty years of peace [declares Daffan], the United
States again engaged in war from as high a motive as can bring about
war. Not to acquire new territory, not to humiliate a rival nation, not
to avenge a wrong done to herself, this war was begun to put an end
to human oppression and suffering.18

Substantially all of the histories used in the schools present the
situation in much the same manner.19

As a contributory factor in American interest in Cuba the
spur of economic contacts is discussed by a few authors. Mc-
Carthy, for instance, in his History of the United States for
Catholic Schools, minimizes the humanitarian object of the Unit-
ed States and declares that "our country was interested in
Cuba because of its situation just off our shores, and later be-
cause our people had invested their money in its mines, railroads
and plantations."2

Another writer confesses that the constant warfare between
Spain and Cuba interfered greatly with our commerce with the

16 Home, op. cit., II, 350; Fite, History of the United States, p. 497.

"McMaster, A School History of the United States, pp. 473-74; Muzzey,
An American History, p. 452, and Muzzey, History of the American People,
p. 506.

18 Daffan, History of the United States, p. 531.

19 See, for instance, Bourne and Benton, American History, p. 544;
Channing, A Students' History of the United States, pp. 549-50; Channing,
Elements of United States History, pp. 327-28; Eggleston, First Book in
American History, p. 186; Estill, Beginner's History of Our Country^
p. 280; Fite, The United States, p. 395; Fite, History of the United States,
p. 497; Forman, op. cit., p. 521; Garner and Henson, op cit., pp. 526-27;
Hall, Smither, and Ousley, History of the United States, pp. 426-27; Halleck,
History of Our Country,, pp. 434-35; Leonard and Jacobs, The Nation's
History, p. 463; Long, America, p. 453; McLaughlin, op. cit., p. 575; Mace
and Bogardus, History of the United States, pp. 367-68; Thompson, First
Book in United States History, pp. 357-58; West and West, The Story of
Our Country, pp. 458-59; White, Beginner's History of the United States,
pp. 303-4.

20 McCarthy, op. cit., p. 435. See also, for similar point of view, Tryon
and Lingley, op. cit., p. 579; Muzzey, History of the American People, pp.
505-6.

8 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

islands, and that the Cuban revolt was "too much like a house on
fire in the neighborhood" for Americans to ignore it.21

A consistent sympathy on the part of this country in the
efforts of oppressed people to gain their freedom and indepen-
dence is noted by McLaughlin and Beard.22 Channing, with
others, shows how the interest of the United States in Cuba as
a possession had extended over many years, and that "its com-
mand of the Caribbean Sea makes American control of it almost
a military necessity."21 Such a point of view is rarely expressed
in the histories of elementary school level, but appears occasion-
ally in some of the senior high school textbooks.

The attitude which European nations took toward American
intervention in Cuba is discussed particularly by books written
since the World War, in which is set forth the sympathetic re-
sponse of England in contrast with the reactions of other Euro-
pean powers.

Most of the European nations sided with Spain and thought
the United States should mind her own business [says Halleck]. Con-
tinental newspapers called the war "an act of international piracy
without shadow of justice." The great English papers, with one ex-
ception, took the side of the United States. When London heard of the
declaration of war, the Stars and Stripes were displayed in every part
of the city. Crowds of Englishmen went to the American Embassy
in London and cheered. There had been talk of foreign' intervention
to stop the war, but when Great Britain's attitude became known,
such talk ceased.2*

Thus was fought by Americans the "people's war"25 against
the "weak nation" Spain,26 for whom it was "folly" to try "to
measure swords with the virile, unmeasured power of the United
States."27

21 Robbins, School History of the American People, p. 462.

22 McLaughlin, op. cit.} p. 515; Beard, History of the United States,
p. 487.

23 Channing, A Students' History of the United States, p. 548; Beard,
op. cit., pp. 485-89; Hulbert, United States History, p. 485.

24 Halleck, op. cit., pp. 435-36. Among others the American Legion history
expresses the same sentiment.

25 Home, op. cit., II, 350.

28Elson, United States: Its Past and Present, p. 481. 27 Ibid.

CHAPTER II
ENGLAND AND AMERICA

Anglo-American relations as set forth in our school histories
fall naturally into distinct periods. The first discusses the open-
ing up of English settlements ; the second deals with the Revolu-
tionary epoch, followed by events leading to the War of 1812;
the fourth is devoted to a treatment of relations between the
two countries after the Treaty of Ghent through the Civil War
and the Spanish- American War to 1917 ; and the last deals with
our relations with England as her ally in the World War. Aside
from the friendship of England in 1898 recorded by some histori-
ans, relations up to 1917 are discussed, on the whole, in such a
way that Anglo-American concord will not be promoted.

Although Drake, Gilbert, Raleigh, and other English explor-
ers are surrounded with a romantic atmosphere, their exploits
are not narrated in a way to kindle antagonisms in the reader
as in the case of Spanish adventurers. Their story merely pre-
pares the way for the coming of English colonists to America.
Jamestown may be passed by with little comment for the settle-
ment of the Pilgrims who "had left England because they were
not permitted to worship God as they wished" since "the English
law was unjust."1

According to A School History of the United States,2

There has seldom been a gentler and kinder group of people than
the Pilgrims. They appear to have had good will toward all men,
even toward the cruel king from whom they had fled and toward
the savages of the forests. They valued so highly the freedom to
worship God in their own way that they would not refuse the same
freedom to others. Their little republic — for so we may describe

1 Coe, Founders of Our Country, p. 154; Baldwin, The Story of Liberty,
p. 63. The latter may be classified also as a reader.

2 Stephenson, A School History of the United States, p. 50. "A God-
fearing and industrious people," according to Hart, New American History,
p. 46.

9

10 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

their settlement — was a land of peace and good will, [which had] a
large influence in shaping the character of our people.3

The Puritans, too, came to escape "persecution on account of
religion." At the time Winthrop and his followers came to Amer-
ica, Puritans are said to have been "suffering imprisonment, and
having their ears cropped and their noses slit on account of
their religious opinions."4 According to historians, political
tyranny as well as religious persecution played a part in the
Puritan exodus.5 There is practically no mention of an economic
motive.

Following the settlement of the colonies, textbook writers, on
the whole, embark chiefly upon a discussion of such factors in
colonial life as social and economic development and forms of
local government. Even the Andros episode provokes slight un-
pleasantness, although described by one author as making "a
short end of the liberty which the Puritans had built up by
labor and sacrifice."6

In the struggles between France and England during the
eighteenth century, the participation of the colonists in America
is applauded. Regardless, however, of the aid given, the pupil
is told that in 1748

France and Britain traded with one another for fragments of
the widespread empire of each. Britain gave back Louisburg in ex-
change for advantages in other lands. This careless neglect of
America's interests, this indifference to her great triumph, was a
cruel blow to all our people, especially the New Englanders. It
taught them how little they could trust to Britain's protection.7

3 Fish, History of America, p. 22.

4Forman, Advanced American History, p. 39. See also Thompson,
A History of the People of the United States, p. 37.

8Fite, History of the United States, p. 40; Halleck, History of Our
Country, p. 79; Forman, op. cit., p. 39; McMaster, A School History of the
United States, p. 47; Mace and Bogardus, History of the United States,
p. 42; O'Hara, A History of the United States, p. 72; West, The Story of
Our Country, p. 77.

6 Long, America, pp. 123-24.

7 Home, The Story of Our American People, I, 299, Long's treatment of
the episode is much the same. See Long, op. cit., pp. 134-35.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 11

Indeed, the return of Louisburg to France is said to have
caused the colonists "chagrin" because they had lost "their hard-
earned prize,"8 and, according to the authors of a history for
Catholic schools, "was one of the first events which led the Eng-
lish colonies to see that American affairs should be settled on
this side of the Atlantic and not by a power thousands of miles

• «Q

away.

Others mention the return of Louisburg to France in a man-
ner to create the impression that the colonists were treated un-
justly.10 Hulbert, in his discussion of the American phases of
the European wars, goes so far as to say that the capture of
posts by the colonists was of "so little consequence" to the
"Mother Bear (England)" that when "truces were made with
France, the gains in America were usually sacrificed. Thus the
colonists had the cold truth thrust home upon them ' that if they
stood between the Mother Country and her imperial ambitions
they would be brushed aside."11

The classic example of the "blundering tragedies" of England
is Braddock's defeat in the French and Indian War, "typical of
several others that stunned or enraged our colonies, and that
must have disheartened any people less resolute to make an end
of the French menace to liberty."12 For this "disaster" Brad-
dock, "obstinate and arrogant, with a noisy contempt for every-

8 Garner and Henson, Our Country's History, p. 99. See also Burnham,
The Making of Our Country, p. 98.

9 The Franciscan Sisters of the Perpetual Adoration, A History of the
United States for Catholic Schools, p. 137.

10Channing, Elements of United States History, p. 95; Evans, The Essen-
tial Facts of American History, p. 138; Lawler, Essentials of American
History, p. 134; McLaughlin and Van Tyne, A History of the United States
for Schools, p. 115; McMaster, op. cit., p. 81; Mace, School History of the
United States, p. 124; Muzzey, An American History, p. 80; Robbins, School
History of the American People, p. 90.

"Hulbert, United States History, p. 103. The "disappointment" of the
colonists is mentioned by some writers such as O'Hara, Thompson, Thwaites
and Kendall, and Mace and Bogardus: O'Hara, op. cit., p. 109; Mace and
Bogardus, op. cit., p. 100; Thompson, op. cit., p. 90; Thwaites and Kendall,
A History of the United States, p. 124.

12 Long, op. cit., p. 138.

12 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

thing colonial," some hold accountable.13 Even those authors
who attribute bravery to Braddock, in some cases qualify their
statements by describing him as "haughty and self-willed"14 and
"a bigot to military rules."15

On the other hand, Channing, for instance, does not indulge
in adjectives uncomplimentary to Braddock, but describes the
defeat as follows :

It happened, therefore, when Braddock and his men had crossed
the last river, and had gained a point within a few miles of Fort
Duquesne, that they suddenly found themselves assailed in front and
on either side by Indians and white men, fighting wilderness fashion
from behind trees and anything else that offered protection. This
was a kind of warfare to which Braddock and his English troops
were entirely unaccustomed. They were brave and so was he, but
he could think of no better way to meet this danger than to arrange
his men in line and advance to the attack exactly as if he had been
fighting regular French soldiers on an open battlefield of Europe.
Washington and the Virginians did what they could to save the day
by fighting the Indians and French in their own manner, but this
proved to be impossible. Braddock was mortally wounded, retreat
was ordered, and the defeated soldiers ran away, each man for him-
self as fast as he could go.16

Any protection given the colonists by England in the inter-
colonial struggles is mentioned rarely. Forman, however, in his
treatment of the French and Indian War, points out that "it
was England and not the colonies that offered determined and
successful resistance to France."17

Doubtless the narration of the Franco-English struggles as

13 Home, op. cit., I, 306. See also Barnes, American History for Grammar
Grades, p. 169; Burnham, op. cit., pp. 101-2.

"Elson, United States: Its Past and Present, p. 108. See also Garner
and Henson, op. cit., p. 105; Evans, op. cit., p. 141.

MGuitteau, Our United States, p. 117. See also Gordy, History, of the
United States, p. 94; Woodburn and Moran, Elementary American History
and Government, p. -97.

16 Channing, op. cit., p. 99. See also Estill, The Beginner's History of
Our Country, pp. 149-50; Bourne and Benton, History of the United States,
p. 128; Forman, op. cit., p. 95.

17 Forman, op. cit., p. 64.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 13

carried on in America, in themselves, would kindle little antag-
onism to England if they were the only instances of hostility
toward the mother-country. But others follow. And these lead
directly to the Revolutionary War, the episode in which the
greatest animosity toward any country is evinced, with the pos-
sible exception of some discussions of Germany in the World
War.

To the pupil reading Elson's United States: Its Past and
Present it is pointed out that, following the French and Indian
War,

there were some forces working in the direction of separation. Some
of the American people were not English — the Dutch, Irish, Ger-
mans, and others — and these did not inherit a filial love of the mother-
land; and the great majority of English descent had been born on
this side of the water and had never seen England. Furthermore,
the colonists had long chafed under the irritating Navigation Laws
and the transportation to the colonies of many criminals from the
British prisons. These things did not show the fond affection of a
parent for a child; but they were not enough to bring about a
separation. That was brought about by a series of official blunders
covering a dozen years.18

In this fashion the child is prepared for the approach of the
American Revolution, the result of "the unjust treatment of
England" upon colonists who "loved old England, the land of
their fathers, and were proud of their kinship with her." The
reader is shown how the mother-country, contributing to colonial
unrest, "often appointed worthless men .... who despised the
people they ruled," and how there were enacted "English laws"
which were "aimed to make English merchants and traders richer,
but which, at the same time, kept the Americans poor."19

Even West and Muzzey, recently attacked as "unpatriotic"
and "pro-English" by organizations such as the Sons of the
American Revolution and by Commissioner of Accounts Hirsh-
field, in his report on history textbooks used in the New York

18 Elson, op. cit., pp. 119-20.

19Estill, op. cit., pp. 155-56. See also Latan6, History of the United
States, pp. 92-93; Evans, op. cit., pp. 176-77; Barnes, Short American
History, p. 6.

14 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

City schools,20 do not give England a clean bill of health in
her mercantile policy. Muzzey points out that "the colonies
were naturally aggrieved at such treatment," characterizing the
laws as "ugly" and "odious."2

By West, the English laws of 1696, 1732, and 1750 are de-
scribed as "selfish and sinister."

They must have become bitterly oppressive ere long, had the col-
onists continued under English rule; and at the time they fully
deserved the condemnation visited upon them by the great English
economist, Adam Smith: "These prohibitions are only impertinent
badges of slavery, imposed upon [the colonies] without sufficient
reason by the groundless jealousy of the manufactures of the mother
country."22

The Sugar Act of 1733, according to Professor West, was "an-
other source of justifiable irritation."23

Evasion of the laws of England by the colonists is frequently
mentioned, although in such a way that colonial honor is not
impugned.

Had the Molasses Act been strictly enforced, the prosperity of
New England would have been at an end. But smuggling was carried
on so generally that the revenue laws were practically nullified;
the customs officers and even the royal governors connived at the

practice The strict enforcement of these acts threatened the

commercial prosperity of the colonies ; and thus the real issue between
them and Great Britain became one of home rule — whether the col-
onies were to be allowed to map out their own destinies, or whether
they were to be held in permanent tutelage to the British govern-
ment.2*

Gordy declares in his History of the United States:
The Sugar Act would greatly injure New England trade with
the West Indies, and this trade was one of the principal sources of

20 See Bessie Louise Pierce, Public Opinion and the Teaching of History
in the United States (New York, 1926), pp. 221-22, 253-58, 283 ff.

21 Muzzey, op. cit., pp. 92, 93.

22 West, History of the American People, pp. 148-49. The italics are in
the textbook.

23 Ibid., p. 149. See also Gordy, op. cit., pp. 122-23. These are typical.
^Guitteau, The History of the United States, p. 113.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 15

wealth to New England merchants. Threatened with financial ruin,
they had to choose between that and smuggling. Believing the law
was an unjust interference with their mutual rights, they chose smug-
gling, and for a time England allowed it to pass unnoticed.25 [On
the whole, however] colonists proved themselves a law-abiding folk
until Parliament, seeking more money to meet growing expenses,
decided to revive the old navigation acts. Even then it was not so
much the acts .... as the outrageous method of enforcing them
which bred a spirit of rebellion.26

Instances might be multiplied to show that, although smug-
glers, the colonists were criminal only in the literal interpreta-
tion of the law. In general, the pupil would not condemn, but
would probably uphold the colonists in an evasion of a law
painted as unjust and unwise.27

Some authors point out that the Navigation laws and Acts of
Trade were not entirely harmful to colonial industry. McLaugh-
lin, Guitteau, Beard and Bagley, Bourne and Benton, Channing,
Fite, James and Sanford, West, and others not only indicate
causes for colonial resentment, but also show that "the enumer-
ated commodities, which could be shipped only to Great Brit-
ain, were given a preference in that market over similar com-
modities from other countries."28 Few authors speak so frankly
as Garner and Henson:

It was not, however, until the French and Indian War that the
ministry seemed to realize the seriousness of colonial smuggling. So
disloyal, at that time, were many of the New Englanders, that al-
though the mother country and the colonists themselves were en-

^Gordy, op. cit., p. 123.

26 Long, op. cit., p. 157.

27 See West, The jStory of Our Country, p. 134; Halleck, op. cit., p. 167;
Burnham, op. cit., pp. 58-59; Evans, op. cit., p. 177; Home, op. cit., I, 282;
Fish, op. cit., pp. 120-21 ; Muzzey, op. cit., p. 91 ; Fite, op. cit., p. 98.

28 McLaughlin, History of the American Nation, p. 137; Guitteau, The
History of the United States, p. 113; Guitteau, Our United States, p. 130;
Beard and Bagley, The History of the American People, p. 127; Bourne
and Benton, op. cit., p. 118; Channing, A Students' History of the United
States, p. 112; James and Sanford, American History, p. 142; West, History
of the American People, p. 185. Quotation from Fite, op. cit., p. 99.

16 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

gaged in a life and death struggle with the French in America, they
persisted in smuggling supplies to New France.29

Discussions concerning the Proclamation Line of 1763, the
Writs of Assistance, the insistence of James Otis upon the politi-
cal belief that "a man's house is his castle," the Stamp Act, and
succeeding events present the facts from a colonial point of
view, although endeavoring in many instances to set forth the
British side. A comparison of textbooks now in use with those
of a generation ago reveals in the books of the present an at-
tempt to present two sides of the story. Although British co-
lonial policy is said to have been an "unwise course" to which
the colonists "naturally"30 objected, it is generally made clear
that, on the whole, British colonial government was better than
that of other countries of the time.31 Yet few writers leave
doubts as to the folly of the colonial policy adopted, although
they may present reasons for it. As in Long's America, the tend-
ency is to show that the mother-country's policy was unjust,
selfish, and ill-advised.

England's political mistake was to regard colonies as dependencies ;
her economic mistake was to regard them as a mere source of profit
to herself. The mercantile theory, then held by all nations, alleged
that colonies must make money for Englishmen or Spaniards who
stayed at home and invested their funds in ships or goods for co-
lonial trade.

American colonists had a different idea. Following a vision of
liberty, they came here not to benefit English commerce but to better
themselves. They came first in Elizabethan days, with the Elizabethan
spirit of adventure, of pride of race and nation; and they kept their
pride while England submitted to the tricky despotism of Charles II

29 Garner and Henson, op. cit., p. 140.

30 Thompson, First Book in United States History, pp. 188-89. See also
Barnes, American History for Orammer Grades, p. 183; Lawler, op. cit.,
p. 170; Fish, op. cit., p. 132; Home, The Story of Our American People, I, 323;
Long, op. cit., p. 157; Elson, op. cit., p. 121.

31 See, for example, Franciscan Sisters of the Perpetual Adoration,
A History of the United States, p. 168; Hulbert, op. cit., p. 121; Bourne
and Benton, op. cit., p. 118; Thompson, A History of the People of the
United States, p. 108; Beard, History of the United States, p. 69; Muzzey,
op. cit., p. 57; West, History of the American People, p. 115.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 17

or the stupid despotism of George III. They had more of the old
free English spirit than could be found in England itself. They
represented the empire, and were loyal to it; but with all their
hearts they loved this land, its wideness, its beauty, its promise that
here would Liberty dwell with their children forever; and it became
holy in their eyes when they laid their dead to rest beneath its soil. To
them America meant all that is expressed in the two dearest words
in our language, "home" and "country." England thought of America
as "the colonies," places to hunt for furs or grow tobacco for the
benefit of British commerce, and made laws to that effect.

In many of the textbooks in most common use a clear dis-
tinction is drawn between the political theories of the colonists
regarding representation and those held in England. These writ-
ers obviously endeavor to point out that a cause for misunder-
standing sprang out of two different schools of political thought
as to representative government.

The phrase "no taxation without representation" was familiar to
all sections of the British people, but it conveyed very different ideas
to those living in Great Britain and to their kinsfolk in the colonies.
The British Parliament was composed of two houses, — the Peers,
comprising hereditary nobles and the bishops, and the House of Com-
mons. The members of the latter body were elected, and were sup-
posed to represent all classes of people. Some of the electoral dis-
tricts, indeed, contained no inhabitants. In one of these, Old Sarum,
it was possible in dry seasons to trace the foundations of old build-
ings by the color of the grass, in another, Midhurst, the sites of' old
allotments were marked by stone posts — while one borough "had sunk
beneath the waters of the North Sea." Yet each of these returned
members to the House of Commons.

In the colonies, representation was everywhere apportioned on a
territorial basis, which was being constantly changed to suit the

altered conditions of the several parts of each colony This

right was regarded as a most valuable one in the colonies

In the matter of the franchise there was an equally wide difference
of opinion. In Great Britain, it depended for most part, upon the
possession of some peculiar privilege. In the colonies, the franchise
was regulated by general rules and was usually given to all free adult

white men who possessed a moderate amount of property In

Great Britain, there was no requirement of residence for the rep-

18 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

resentative or the voter. In the colonies, residence was ordinarily

required for both the voter and representative To the colonist,

therefore, the phrase "no taxation without representation" meant that
no tax could be} levied except by vote of a legislative body in which a
person known to the voter, and in whose election he had taken part,
had a seat; but to an Englishman the phrase meant simply "no tax-
ation except by vote of the House of Commons" (Channing, A Stu-
dents' History of the United States, pp. 118-19).

In England multitudes of tax-payers could not vote. If a town
centuries before had not been big enough to send members to Parlia-
ment, it could not now send members, however big it was. At the
same time towns which once had received the right to send members
and had grown small did not lose the right. If now the same lord
owned all the property in a town or in three or four of them, he chose
the members. Scores of members were in reality named by great
lords or by the king. The colonists would not have endured a legis-
lature like that. Their objection, however, was that parliament did
not represent them in the sense in which they understood representa-
tion (Bourne and Benton, History of the United States, p. 138).

We, in this country, do not consider a person represented in a
legislature unless he can cast a vote for a member of that legislature.

In Great Britain, not individuals but classes were represented

At that time, very few Englishmen could vote for a member of the
House of Commons. Great cities like Liverpool, Leeds, Manchester,
did not send even one member. When the colonists held that they
were not represented in Parliament because they did not elect any
members of that body, Englishmen answered that they were repre-
sented, because they were commoners (McMaster, A School History
of the United States, pp. 115-16).

Many other examples might be cited, but the sentiment differs
in no great degree. It is sufficient to indicate that the pupil
reading such discussions would plainly observe a difference in
the theories as to representation held in England and in America.
Doubtless he will again conclude that the Americans were right
and the English were wrong, but he will see at least that the
English were not imposing burdens upon the colonists not borne
by themselves, that they were accepting the same obligations to
government and bearing them in the same manner as they de-

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 19

manded from the colonial empire.32 On the other hand, only
about one-half of the most frequently used textbooks make so
clear the distinctions regarding the theory of representation and
the taxing power as have the preceding. For example, Estill,
in The Beginner's History of Our Country, merely says :

The Americans did not mind paying a tax which they themselves
had decided was right. But no Americans were allowed to be members
of the English Parliament, by which the stamp law and all other
stamp laws of England were passed. To the colonists this taxing
them without their consent — without their being represented in Par-
liament was more than the Americans could stand. From one end of
the colonies to the other the people repeated the words of an Ameri-
can speaker, "Taxation without representation is tyranny." They
decided they would never pay the tax.33

Home's The Story of Our American People, written under
the auspices of the American Legion, moreover, in explaining why
the colonies and England drifted apart, ascribes the separation
to the failure of the upper classes of England to sympathize
with us. ". . . . They regarded the Americans as an ignorant
frontier folk, incapable of orderly self-government or persistent

32 See also Burnham, op. cit., pp. 110-11; Fish, op. cit., pp. 135-36; Gordy,
op. cit., p. 130; Guitteau, Our United States, pp. 145-46; Guitteau, The
History of the United States, pp. 111-12; Fite, op. cit., p. 110; Franciscan
Sisters of the Perpetual Adoration, A History of the United States, p. 171;
James and Sanford, op. cit., p. 147; Hulbert, op. cit., p. 120; Thwaites and
Kendall, op. cit., pp. 144^45; Forman, op. cit., p. 113; Muzzey, op. cit., pp.
97-98; McLaughlin, op. cit., pp. 133-34; McLaughlin and Van Tyne, op. cit.,
pp. 144-45; O'Hara, op. cit., pp. 126-27; Evans, op. cit., p. 179; Thompson,
History of the People of the United States, p. 115; Beard, op. cit., p. 79 ;,
West, History of the American People, pp. 187-88; Bourne and Benton,
American History, p. 77; Barker, Webb, and Dodd, The Growth of a Nation,
pp. 148-49.

33 Estill, op. cit., p. 156. See also Barnes, American History for Grammar
Grades, p. 183; Beard and Bagley, op. cit., pp. 130-31; Fite, The United
States, p. 136; Lawler, op. cit., pp. 172-73; Leonard and Jacobs, The Nation's
History, pp. 148-49; McCarthy, History of the United States, pp. 150 ff.;
Mace, op. cit., p. 141; Mace and Bogardus, op. cit., p. 112; Hart, School
History of the United States, p. 123; Hart, New American History, p. 129;
Elson, op. cit., p. 123; Robbins, op. cit., p. 112; Stephenson, op. cit., p. 153;
West, The Story of Our Country, p. 151 ; Woodburn and Moran, op. cit.,
p. 125.

20 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

warfare," we are told. "Not even our successful Revolution
could quite shake Britons out of this stubborn sureness of their
superiority '

Britons have often since excused the course their Parliament then
took against America by pointing out how well meant were some
of the laws which most offended us. This avoids the real dispute,

which was about Britain's right to make laws for us at all No

authority which extends a law over a body of outsiders who object
to it, can then demand or hope that the outsiders will be obedient
when the law injures them, or grateful when it chances to turn in
their favor.

Americans had governed themselves from the beginning. They
were now a grown-up people; and no power on earth could take self-
government from them In this new land the mass of mankind

had at last reached a level where they had enough intelligence to
recognize and follow honest leaders, and had enough boldness and
endurance to continue steadfast in defeat This question of self-
rule was the real basis of all our trouble with Britain.34

The person held most accountable for the separation of the
colonies from England is George III, described as "obstinate,"
"narrow-minded," "bigoted," "stubborn," "selfish," and "insane."
Charged with the use of bribery to surround himself with min-
isters and others who would carry out his will, he is conceded
by few authors to have had any goodness hidden in his nature.
He stands convicted as a foe to liberty, a believer in absolutism.
And not the least of his faults was his German birth.35

A few authors, although criticizing his colonial policy, do not
picture King George as the sum of all iniquities. West, in The
History of the American People, describes him thus:

"In his private life he exactly fulfilled the popular ideal of a good
ruler. In an age when society was recklessly dissolute, he was chaste

34 Home, The Story of Our American People, I, 320-21. In regard to the
Quartering Act this author also remarks: "The Americans, however, had
already endured the insolence of British soldiers and British generals, and
wanted no more of it" (ibid., p. 325).

35 Thwaites and Kendall, op. cit., pp. 140-41 ; Leonard and Jacobs, op. cit.,
p. 163; Guitteau, Our United States, p. 146; Daffan, History of the United
States, p. 179; Muzzey, op. cit., pp. 107-8; Home, The Story of Our Amer-
ican People, I, 318. King George is unfavorably criticized in most of the
books reviewed.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 21

in conduct, temperate in diet, and simple in manners. While ir re-
ligion abounded, he kept a virtuous home, whose days, beginning with
family prayer, were passed in laborious performance of duty." King
George was exceedingly conscientious, but exceedingly wrong-headed
and narrow-minded. He was a good man but a bad king.36

Hart, in his School History of the United States, says:

In one of his (George Ill's) early speeches he said, "B'orn and
educated in this country, I glory in the name of Briton." He was in
many ways a good man, upright, truthful, and true to his friends ; but
he was a poor king, for he was narrow, stubborn, and determined
to be stronger than Parliament.37

The program of the king as it related to the American col-
onies was not unanimously indorsed by Englishmen, according
to Barnes, Beard and Bagley, Bourne and Benton, Burnham, El-
son, Evans, Fish, Fite, and others.38 Out of forty histories most
commonly used in the schools, only three fail to mention opposi-
tion in England to the king's policy, a far better proportion than
Altschul found.39 Taking this as a basis for a sweeping state-
ment, which may be somewhat inaccurate, there are not over

36 West, History of the American People, p. 191, footnote. West quotes
from Ford's American Politics, p. 344.

37 Hart, School History of the United States, p. 122.

38 Barnes, American History for Grammar Grades, p. 187; Beard and
Bagley, op. cit., pp. 137-39; Beard, op cit., p. 132; Bourne and Benton,
American History, p. 85; Bourne and Benton, History of the United States,
p. 140; Burnham, op. cit., pp. 113, 121; Elson, op. cit., p. 122; Evans, op. cit.,
p. 180; Fish, op. cit., p. 125; Fite, The United States, p. 140; Forman, op. cit.,
p. 116; Guitteau, History of the United States, p. 108; Guitteau, Our United
States, p. 144; Halleck, op. cit., p. 177; Hart, School History of the United
States, p. 126; Hart, New American History, p. 127; Hulbert, op. cit.,
p. 129; Home, The Story of Our American People, I, 318, 328; James and
Sanford, op. cit., p. 150; Latane, op. cit., p. 93; Lawler, op. cit., p. 171;
Leonard and Jacobs, op. cit., p. 149; McCarthy, op. cit., p. 159; McLaughlin,
op. cit., p. 143; McLaughlin and Van Tyne, op. cit., p. 144; Mace, op. cit.,
pp. 144-45, 154; Mace and Bogardus, op. cit., pp. 114, 118-19; Muzzey,
op. cit., pp. 99, 107; O'Hara, op. cit., p. 126; Robbins, op. cit., pp. 110-11;
Stephenson, op. cit., pp. 141, 146; Tryon and Lingley, The American People
and Nation, p. 166; West, History of the American People, p. 192; West,
The Story of Our Country, p. 152; Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp.
138-40; Barker, Webb, and Dodd, op. cit., p. 170.

39Estill, op. cit.; McMaster, op. cit.; Thompson, First Book in United
States History.

22 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

7 per cent of our histories today failing to note this point,
whereas ten years ago over 33 per cent were guilty of the omis-
sion.40

True it is that many of the textbooks, in pointing out op-
position in England to King George's plan, are not explicit in
showing its real significance, but tend rather to establish more
firmly a belief in the righteousness of colonial resistance. Yet at
least they indicate that not all Englishmen were unsympathetic
with a struggle for liberty, by all authors admitted to have been
just.

Textbook authors have likewise pointed out that sentiment
on this side of the Atlantic also lacked unanimity. Unfortunately,
in some books this disagreement between upholders and opponents
of England's policy is not described in such way as to create
in the pupil anything but antagonism for the former and ad-
miration for the latter. Where it is indicated that the struggle
was of such a nature that honest men could differ in opinion,
a far saner attitude toward the struggle will result than has
been held by many in the past. Thus, Muzzey tells his readers:

This great event [the American Revolution] has sometimes been
represented as the unanimous uprising of a downtrodden people against
a tyrannical attack on their liberties. But there were many thousand
Tories in the American colonies who agreed with a noted lawyer
of Massachusetts that the Revolution was a "causeless, wanton, wicked
rebellion," and there were thousands of Whigs in England who ap-
plauded Pitt's denunciation of the war against America as "barbarous,
unjust, and diabolical." It is evident from these that on each side of
the Atlantic, opinion was divided as to colonial rights and British
oppression.41

While describing a divergent loyalty by which they show that
opinion neither in England nor America was co-ordinated, some
textbooks make the Tories or Loyalists objects of contempt.
This often occurs, not so much in the written word, as by in-
nuendo. Indeed, the pupil is made to feel "that our war for in-

40 See Altschul, The American Revolution in Our School Text-Books, pp. 21,
153-68.

41 Muzzey, op. cit., p. 90. See also Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp.
139-40; McLaughlin, op cit., pp. 151-52.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 23

dependence was a very difficult one to win, because the patriots
led by Washington and his associates were fighting, not only
against the British army, but also against a large Tory faction
at home," many of whom "spied upon the American troops, gave
information to the British, and sold them much-needed sup-
plies."42

The American Revolution is frequently found treated as an
uprising of a part of the British empire against the home govern-
ment in an effort to maintain self-government. As the preserver
of English liberties, the Revolution, therefore, is held a blessing
to the whole English-speaking people. From this standpoint
alone if not from others, justification of colonial resistance would
be established. As Woodburn and Moran put it, "Royal rule
received a set-back everywhere and popular rights were ad-
vanced."43 For, according to many historians,

The American Revolution is seen imperfectly,, if it is looked upon
solely as a struggle between England and America. It was a strife
of principles. It was a part of a thousand-year-long contest between
the English-speaking people and their kings for more political liberty.
In 1776 the most advanced part of that people lived on this side
of the Atlantic. The popular claims were made here and the struggle
was fought out here 44

The character of the political rights inherited by all people
of English descent and brought to America by the colonists does
not escape attention. According to textbook writers, these "im-
memorial rights" of Englishmen were held in sacred regard by
the colonists. Any attempt to alter them or trespass upon them
was held as dangerous to the liberty for which they had come.45

The gradual acceptance of political theories not common then
in England is also given by authors such as Fish, Beard, and

42Burnham, op. cit., p. 137. Some textbooks point out that some Tories
"were honorable men who believed it their duty to uphold the king."

"Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., p. 140.

"West, History of the American People, pp. 192-93. See also, among
others, Home, op. cit., p. 319; Long, op. cit., p. 151; McLaughlin, op. cit.,
p. 153.

45 For example, see Muzzey, op. cit., pp. 90-91; Fish, op. cit., p. 24;
Bourne and Benton, American History, pp. 44-50.

24 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Channing as a cause in widening the breach between England and
the colonies. The doctrine of natural rights, as set forth by John
Locke in the seventeenth century and adopted by the colonists
in the eighteenth, "was as English as the constitutional argu-
ment," according to Beard.46 Yet few historians, even among
the writers of senior high school textbooks, point out how the
colonial leaders turned to the political theories of Locke when
unable to carry conviction through the "immemorial rights" of
Englishmen.

Without doubt the descriptions of the hardships endured, the
battles fought, and other heroic exploits of the war stir the emo-
tions more than any other phase of the Revolution. It is here that
authors have most deftly employed their powers of description.
Consciously or unconsciously, they have used their rhetorical
faculties to the degree that sympathies are quickened and hatreds
aroused. Who is not moved by the heroism of Paul Revere?
What child, does not see in fancy the lights in the church tower?
Surely pulses beat more rapidly at the picture of "The Spirit
of J76."47 And who is not moved by the words of Patrick Henry :

The war has actually begun. The next gale that sweeps from the
North will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms. Our
brethren are already in the field. Why stand we here idle? .... Is
life so dear or peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of
chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what
course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me
death!48

Critics who recently questioned the patriotism of textbook
writers because of a failure to include heroic characters and
incidents in their histories could not have looked into these books.
One of the characters alleged to have been omitted was Paul
Revere. Yet an examination of those textbooks most commonly

46 Beard, op. cit., pp. 95-96; Fish, op. cit., p. 133; Channing, A Students'
History of the United States, pp. 114-15.

47 See, for example, Woodburn and Moran, op. cit.; Home, op. cit., Vol II.
48Muzzey, op. cit., p. 110; Hart, New American History, p. 153; Latane,

op. cit., p. 124; Garner and Henson, op. cit., p. 167; West, The Story of Our
Country, p. 161.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 25

used finds the story of his ride chronicled in many. Nor are there
lacking the details tending to rouse the emotions.49

At no place do colonial troops suffer in comparison with
British regulars. For example, at Lexington "a determined little
band of minute men" awaited British regulars. To Major Pit-
cairn's "Disperse you villains," they "stood as motionless as a
stone wall." At Concord the British again met the "stubborn
resistance" of the colonial force, and "were compelled to re-
treat."50

At Breed's Hill, the British twice "were driven back by the
deadly fire of the untrained militia who coolly stood their ground
until they saw the whites of the enemy's eyes." When forced to
abandon the intrenchments, the Americans are said to have "re-
tired in good order, leaving over 1,000 redcoats killed or
wounded." With others, Muzzey points out that although tech-
nically a defeat it was "virtually an inspiring victory for the
Americans,"51 for

On came the British. All was silent behind the breastworks. A
thousand eyes were sighting the barrels, each with its man picked
out. A thousand fingers pressed the firelocks ready to pull at the
word. The courage shown was wonderful. "Don't fire until you see
the whites of their eyes," said the American commander.

The word was given, "Fire!" There were a few seconds of the

"Pratt, America's Story for America's Children, V, 62-71; Elson,
op. cit., p. 133; Burnham, op. cit., p. 128; Gordy, op. cit., pp. 138-39; Home,
op. cit., I, 340; Long, op. cit., p. 169; Halleck, op. cit., p. 179; Estill, op. cit.,
pp. 158-59; Hall, Smither, and Ousley, History of the United States, p. 137;
Fite, History of the United States, p. 120; Muzzey, op. cit., p. 105. This list
includes histories in use from the elementary grades through senior high
school.

60 Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit., pp. 137-38; West, The Story of
Our Country, pp. 162-63; Muzzey, op. cit., pp. 105-6; McLaughlin, op. cit.,
pp. 154-55; Long, op. cit., pp. 169-70; Bourne and Benton, History of the
United States, pp. 150-51; and others.

"Muzzey, op. cit., pp. 110-11. See also Fite, History of the United
States, pp. 122-23; Pratt, op. cit., II, 69-73; Stephenson, op. cit., pp. 167-68;
Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp. 134-35; Mace, op. cit., pp. 158-59; Mc-
Carthy, op. cit., p. 166; McMaster, op. cit., 129-30; Guitteau, History of the
United States, pp. 129-30; Halleck, op. cit., p. 183; Evans, op. cit., pp. 191-92.

26 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

rattle of musketry; a cloud of smoke floated back; powder horns were
lifted; bullets were rammed home. This was inside the works. Out-
side, lay the harvest rows of death. The advancing line had melted.
It was broken as a wave is broken when it strikes the rocks. The
British soldiers who had come on in martial pride fell back in terror.

Again urged on, threatened, beaten with swords, the British formed
and charged. Again the cool marksmen behind the breastworks swept
them out of life. Now came a time of danger to the Minute-men. Their
powder was gone, and if the British should charge again, they would
win.

More troops came from Boston, and the third charge was made.
It swept the patriots from the hill, and they fell back to escape
capture. It was a costly victory for the British, who lost eleven
hundred and fifty-four; the Continentals, four hundred and forty-
nine.52

Descriptions of the winter at Valley Forge afford an oppor-
tunity to kindle again the sympathies of pupils as they read
of the sufferings endured. According to Beard and Bagley's His-
tory of the American People, which presents a typical picture,

The soldiers were in rags and half-starved all the time. Half
went without shoes and blankets, and seldom did they have anything
but the coarsest food. Lafayette, the young Frenchman who had
come over the sea to dedicate himself to the cause of liberty, wrote
of Valley Forge: "The unfortunate soldiers were in want of every-
thing; they had neither coats, hats, shirts, nor shoes; their feet and
legs froze until they became black The army frequently re-
mained whole days without provisions and the patient endurance of
both officers and men were a miracle." An undying faith in the
justice of their cause and in the wisdom and ability of Washington
kept the remnants of an army together.53

An anecdote frequently appearing in readers and occasionally
found in histories is that of Marion and the British officer who
dined with him. It is typical of discussions portraying the hard-

52 Barnes, American History for Grammar Grades, pp. 195-96.

63 Beard and Bagley, op. cit., pp. 153-54. See also Thompson, A History
of the People of the United States, p. 149; Stephenson, op. cit., p. 188;
Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., p. 149; Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit.,
pp. 157-68; Channing, Elements of United States History, pp. 155-57; West,
Story of Our Country, pp. 176-77.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 27

ships suffered by the American soldiers in their struggle for lib-
erty.

A British officer, so the story goes, visited Marion's camp, under
a flag of truce, for the purpose of arranging an exchange of prisoners.
Marion invited the officer to dine. There was neither chair nor stool;
so the host and his guest sat on the trunk of a fallen tree. When
the dinner was brought, it proved to be sweet potatoes served on
pieces of pine bark.

"Surely," said the officer, "this is not your usual fare?"

Marion bowed and replied, "Yes, and as we have company for
dinner, we are lucky to have a larger supply than usual."

The officer was astonished. When he returned to the British camp,
he told his comrades that it was useless to wage war against such
determined men. Poorly clad and poorly fed, they would fight to
the death for the sake of liberty. And he resigned from the army.54

Many instances of the use of adjectives describing the troops
as courageous, brave, patriotic, and unselfish might be given. For
example, at Yorktown they achieved "a noble victory";55 the
campaign in the South was "one of the most brilliant in Ameri-
can history" ;56 the victories at Trenton and Princeton were "re-
markable feats" ;57 and King's Mountain" a splendid victory."58
It was "brilliant skill and dogged persistence" that at another
time held back the British.59

On the other hand, equal praise is not given to the foe. "The
British in their very cruelty, had aroused the people to resis-
tance," one author avers in his discussion of the campaign of
the South.60 "Britain's haughty treatment of other nation's ships
at sea," according to The Story of Our American People, aroused
the animosity of "almost all the world."61 The war in the West,

54 Thompson, First Book in United States History, pp. 224-25.

55Elson, op. cit., p. 174.

56Halleck, op. cit, pp. 208-9.

57 Fite, History of the United States, p. 138.

58 Thompson, First Book in United States History, pp. 225-26.

59 Home, op. cit., I, 314.

60 Thompson, First Book in United States History, p. 223.

61 Home, op. cit.fp. 383.

28 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

"more savage than military" marked by "brutal and senseless"
raids, is thus characterized by Long and others.62

Where adjectives of praise are employed in discussing the
British soldiers, the effect is often that of strengthening an im-
pression of the unusual valor of the Americans rather than as-
cribing a virtue to the English. Thus, "Twice the courageous
English soldiers dashed up the hill only to be repulsed by the
deadly fire of the patriot marksmen."63

Not only was the American army a worthy opponent for the
British soldiers, but American ships "played havoc with the Brit-
ish merchantmen."64 The superiority of the Americans is demon-
strated to the reader in such discussions as that of the "Ranger,"
which "prowled about the coasts of Great Britain, took several
merchant prizes, captured a British warship which carried more
guns than the Ranger, and even burned some of the shipping
in a port on the coast of England."65

Throughout, the discussions of the Revolution show, as The
Story of Our American People puts it, "our people's courage and
endurance."66 Stephenson declares:

We study the wars in which our country has been engaged, first,
because the courage and self-sacrifice of our ancestors serve to in-
spire us with a like devotion to duty, even if need be, to the laying
down of our lives; and second because they are precious lessons in
how to defend ourselves.67

Of all the concepts gathered from a study of the Revolution,
that of liberty will be the strongest and most indelibly stamped
in the child's mind. In the discussion of the political aspects
of the war, in the military movements, and in the social and
psychological phases, liberty is the purpose of the struggle. Ab-
stract discussions are attended by stories such as that of Ser-
geant Jasper.68 If we believe the textbook writers, it is for liberty

62 Long, op. cit., p. 196.

63 Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit., p. 141.

64 Elson, op. cit., p. 167. " Home, op. cit., p. 413.

65 Burnham, op. cit., p. 148. 87 Stephenson, op. cit., p. 176.

«s "For twelve hours a storm of steel broke over the little fort [ Fort
Moultrie], which answered with all its guns. In the midst of the bombard-
ment the flagstaff was splintered, and the blue flag of South Carolina bear-

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 29

that America fought then ; it is liberty which America has exem-
plified since.

When, in 1917, Charles Altschul made his study of the Ameri-
can Revolution in fifty-three textbooks then in use, he divided
these histories into five classes: those dealing fully with the
grievances of the colonists, giving an account of general political
conditions in England prior to the American Revolution, and
giving credit to prominent Englishmen for services rendered
America ; those dealing fully with the grievances of the colonists,
which make some reference to general political conditions in
England prior to the American Revolution, and which mention
some prominent Englishmen who rendered services to the Ameri-
cans ; those dealing fully with the grievances of the colonists,
which make no reference to general political conditions in Eng-
land prior to the American Revolution, but make, at least, favor-
able mention of several prominent Englishmen; those dealing
fully with the grievances of the colonists which make no reference
to general political conditions in England prior to the American
Revolution, but mention, at least, Pitt 5 those dealing fully with
the grievances of the colonists, which make no reference to gen-
eral political conditions in England prior to the American Revo-
lution, nor to any prominent Englishmen who devoted themselves
to the cause of the Americans.

In the first group, Mr. Altschul found six books; in the
second, fourteen; in the third, thirteen; in the fourth, five; and
in the last group, fifteen. That is, the greatest number of the
books which he analyzed gave only the colonial viewpoint in
the struggle between England and America.69

More than ten years have passed since Mr. Altschul's study
was made. Although faith in the justice and wisdom of the
patriot cause is undiminished, textbooks used most frequently

ing the white word 'Liberty' fell outside the walls. After it leaped a boy,
William Jasper. Hardly seen for the smoke of bursting shells, he wrapped
the flag around his shoulders, climbed the wall, planted the broken staff
among sand bags, and dropped back among his comrades, leaving 'Liberty'
afloat above him" (Long, op. cit., p. 174).
69 Charles Altschul, op. cit.

30 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

today may be grouped in Mr. Altschul's first two classes. On the
whole, the histories of today cannot be criticized for setting forth
only the viewpoint of the colonials.

Yet the patriot cause does not meet a real challenge even
in the most impartial narratives. Throughout, the reader is
convinced that the colonists were right. On the other hand, the
lack of detail in discussing the English attitude, even in those
books dealing most fully with it, may account for the reaction
of the reader. For some pupils, undoubtedly, the discussions of
Burke, Fox, Pitt, and others favorable to the American cause will
strengthen the antagonism toward the English, since even some
of the English themselves approved of the colonial cause ! The
discussion of the Loyalists in America seldom will offset this
impression.

But it is a question as to whether the controversy can be
better or more fairly treated in the narrow limits of a textbook
than it has been by historians such as Muzzey, McLaughlin,
Beard, West, and others. Whether the pupil will conclude that
the patriot cause was indisputably right will lie, not only with
the historian, but also with the teacher who presents the written
word. The textbook writer surely is not entirely responsible
for the attitudes gained. In nearly all passages, even where im-
partiality has been evinced by author, explanation and inter-
pretation by teacher will be necessary in view of the contro-
versial character of the subject and because of the inherited
antagonism toward Great Britain held by many pupils. As one
college student, in assessing the responsibility for his dislike
of Russia, said:

This dislike was formed partly, I think, because my instructor
(in history) had this dislike. She had traveled in Russia and dis-
liked it, and transmitted this dislike to me. But at the same time
she liked France so very well that this country was brought to my
liking. Before this time I had no particular liking for France.

Textbook narratives of the period following the American
Revolution describe conditions in such a way as to continue the
impressions gained up to that point. Instead of "wisely seeking
to conciliate and win us, [England] was exasperating in the

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 31

extreme," declares McLaughlin, in A History of the American
Nation. He further explains that as a "weak" nation England

long refused to treat us as an equal. Not till 1791 did she send a
minister to this country. The treaty of 1783 had not been fulfilled by
either party. England retained possession of the military posts on
our Northern and Western frontier within the limits of the United
States. She gave as her excuse that, contrary to the treaty, the
loyalists had been persecuted and the British creditors prevented
from collecting sums due them by American citizens. Her charges —
at least during the time of the Confederation — had too much truth
in them; but her main reason for retaining the Western posts was
her desire to control the fur trade and to maintain her influence over
the Indians.70

Similar discussions relating to our relations with Great Brit-
ain in the period directly following the Peace of Paris are found
in other histories. Guitteau points out that "foreign countries
treated the new nation with contempt. Great Britain declined
to make a commercial treaty with a government powerless to
compel its thirteen states to observe the agreement." Some of
the textbooks place the blame, at least to some extent, on the
weakness of the government under the Articles of Confederation.71

In 1793, when France and Great Britain engaged in war, it
was thought, historians tell the pupils, that "our country would
find itself on the side of France."72 The Genet episode occurred,
followed by the Neutrality Act.73 Then come discussions point-
ing out the great opportunity for trade which was opened to
America. "Never had we such a chance of making money," de-
clares Fish. Yet in this the Americans were foiled by their old
enemy England. "The British government wished to prevent this
trade," continues this author, "and maintained that international

70 McLaughlin, op. cit., pp. 209, 211.

"Guitteau, Our United States, pp. 217-18. See also Long, op. cit., p. 236;
Channing, Elements of United States History, pp. 176, 191; Elson, op. cit.,
pp. 217-18; Barnes, Short American History, p. 115; Muzzey, op. cit., p. 138;
Gordy, op. cit., p. 176; Forman, op. cit., p. 199; Woodburn and Moran,
op. cit., p. 169.

72 Fish, op. cit., p. 201.

73 Treated in other sections of this study.

32 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

law allowed them to do so. In the spring of 1794, the British
seized a hundred and fifty of our ships. We maintained that the
trade was legal, and demanded that the ships be released."74

On the whole, the Jay Treaty is said to have been "a fairly
good treaty,"75 "probably the best that could have been made
under the circumstances,"76 and one that saved us from war.77
Its reception in America is recounted by many books, as well
as the fact that it did not settle all of the disputes between
Great Britain and the United States. "In time, however," says
The Story of Our American People, "everyone came to see that
this was the best possible treaty for us. It increased our ship-
ping trade enormously, and it enabled us to postpone honorably
for twenty years our second unavoidable war with Britain."78

The impressment of American seamen is given as the chief
cause of our second war with England, called by Home and
others "the second war for independence" ; a war which was "a
story of outworn patience, and of mistakes which ended in un-
expected fortune" ;79 a "war for the freedom of our seamen."8

The pictures drawn of the cause for desertion from Great
Britain's service make her indeed a hard taskmaster. The follow-
ing quotations illustrate the cruelty, the harshness, and the un-
fairness of the British as set forth in many of our histories:

More than six thousand naturalized Americans had thus far virtu-
ally been enslaved in Great Britain's navy, with poor food, low
wages, and harsh treatment, and they were obliged, under threat of
severe punishment, to assist in annoying their fellow countrymen. No

"Fish, op. cit., p. 202. See also Guitteau, History of the United States,
p. 204; Beard, op. cit., p. 177; Leonard and Jacobs, op. cit., p. 232; Lawler,
op. cit., p. 242; Robbins, op. cit., p. 196; Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit.,
p. 198; Mace and Bogardus, op. cit., p. 182. The treatment of the period
is similar in most textbooks.

78 Fish, op. cit., p. 203.

76 Thompson, A History of the People of the United States, p. 200.

77 Guitteau, Our United States, p. 247 ; Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit.,
p. 198; Beard and Bagley, op. cit., p. 197.

78 Home, The Story of Our American People, II, 29. See also Thompson,
History of the People of the United States, p. 200; Burnham, op. cit., p. 208.

79 Home, op. cit., p. 80. 80Estill, op. cit., chapter title.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 33

doubt some of these kidnapped men actually were deserters from the
British navy, as its officers claimed; but the majority were really
Americans, and were taken simply because the British wanted these
able-bodied fellows for their own ships [Thwaites and Kendall, A
History of the United States, p. 250].

In order to do this [impressment], the British often stopped the
vessels of other nations at sea and marched the crews before the
British officers, who picked out supposed deserters or British sub-
jects and forced them into British ships. American vessels were so
treated almost from the founding of our government, and it often
happened that through mistake, or carelessness, or wanton insolence,
American-born citizens were dragged from their own ships and forced
into the service of the king. Again and again as the years passed
the United States protested against the practice, but did not feel
strong enough to make absolute demands. But a time was coming.

It is true that Great Britain had reason to be alarmed at the
numerous desertions from her navy, but it was her own fault. She
treated her sailors so harshly and paid them so meagerly that great
numbers of them escaped when they could. Sometimes a British
vessel could hardly depart from an American port owing to the many
desertions of her crew. Better treatment and larger pay in the Ameri-
can ships had greater weight with Jack Tar than his allegiance to his
own sovereign. More than once the American government offered
to make a treaty with Great Britain for the return of deserters from
both sides, but she preferred to carry on her practice of forcible im-
pressment [Elson, United States: Its Past and Present, pp. 264—65].

All histories analyzed give as the primary purpose of the
struggle the abolition of the practice of impressment. In many
textbooks the desire to annex Canada is mentioned as an acces-
sory motive, and many charge France, as well as England, with
a violation of our rights as a neutral nation. Yet England is
made the greater transgressor. As Barnes, in his American His-
tory for Grammar Grades, puts it:

England and France held to their evil course toward our country
during Madison's first term. England was very abusive. By this
time, fully a thousand of our trading vessels had been taken by the
English navy, and thousands of good American sailors were serving
against their will in English warships. They were like slaves, com-

34 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

pelled to fight for their masters, and flogged if they did not work

well Insults and outrages from England could be borne no

longer, and, though the United States was in no condition for fight-
ing, war was declared against England in June, 1812.81

Home, in The Story of Our American People, however, does
not make England the greater offender but says: "Upon the
whole France treated us rather the worse of the two ; but Britain
was the more openly defiant about it."82 He also attributes a
perplexity to the American people as to which country, they
should fight, a problem finally solved by our nearness to Canada
and "the traditions of democracy," which still leaned toward
friendship with France, "despite the excesses of her Revolution."83
Although many authors indicate that a longing to possess Canada
actuated some Americans in the selection of a foe, yet it is sel-
dom asserted that France harmed us more than did Great Britain.

The desire for Canada is ascribed to westerners like Clay and
Calhoun as an impelling motive in making war on England. It
is due to their influence, then, the pupil is told, that Madison, a
lover of peace like Jefferson, was forced into war.84 By other
authors Canada is mentioned as a deciding factor in the selection

81 Barnes, American History for Grammar Grades, p. 254. See also, among
others, Leonard and Jacobs, op. cit., p. 250; Halleck, op. cit., p. 256; Latane,
op. cit., p. 226; Burnham, op. cit., p. 235; Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit.,
p. 217. "It [impressment] was a towering insult. Although France followed
the same practice to some extent, her offenses along this line were not to
be compared with those of Great Britain" (Fite, The United States, p. 206).

82 Op. cit., II, 74.

83 Ibid., p. 82. Other authors also indicate that France was still held in a
more favorable light, owing to her help in the Revolution. See Halleck,
op. cit., p. 261; Beard, op. cit., p. 199; Fite, History of the United States,
pp. 196, 229.

84 Bourne and Benton, American History, pp. 253-54; Beard and Bagley,
op. cit., p. 222; Beard, op. cit., p. 199; Burnham, op. cit., pp. 240-41; Chan-
ning, A Students' History of the United States, p. 300; Fite, History of the
United States, pp. 229-30; Fite, The United States, p. 209; Franciscan Sisters
of the Perpetual Adoration, op. cit., p. 299; Hart, School History of the
United States, p. 205;, Hulbert, op. cit., p. 221; James and Sanford, op. cit.,
p. 259; Latan6, op. cit., p. 235; McLaughlin and Van Tyne, op. cit., p. 262;
McLaughlin, op. cit., p. 245; Muzzey, op. cit., p. 184; Thompson, First Book
in United States History, p. 245; Tryon and Lingley, op. cit., p. 279; West,
History of the American People, p. 399.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 35

of a foe because of her nearness to attack, or because "it was
generally believed that British agents in Canada were guilty of
stirring up the Indians against our settlements on the frontier."85
The last group of writers do not attribute, either openly or
covertly, land-hunger to the "War Hawks" in Congress. Accord-
ing to Elson, "It was not so much land-greed that led to desire
of the invasion of Canada; it was more a belief that it would
put an end to Indian massacres, supposed to be inspired by Brit-
ish fur-trading interests."86

As in most wars, the War of 1812 arose out of a need to pro-
tect national honor, according to some historians. "There seemed
no honorable way for averting war with Great Britain," declares
Thompson. "President Madison was a man of peace, but he was
forced to go to war to uphold the honor of his country and to
protect her rights," assert Woodburn and Moran. And Hulbert
points out that England's treatment was looked upon "as an in-
dignity no respectable nation could endure."87 Yet some authors
doubt the wisdom or the timeliness of the selection of the foe, for,
as Hart puts it:

It was an unlucky moment to make war against England, for in
1812 the Russians grew tired of the Continental System and refused
any longer to support France. Napoleon therefore raised a "Grand
Army" of 550,000 men and led them into the heart of Russia. How-
ever unfairly England had acted toward the United States, the
English were fighting in 1812 for the freedom of Europe and America,
against a military despot who was trying to make himself absolute
master of Europe.

85 Elson, op. cit., p. 273; Channing, Elements of United States History,
p. 218; Fish, op. cit., p. 208; Forman, op. cit., p. 227; Guitteau, History of
the United States, p. 238; Guitteau, Our United States, p. 271; Garner and
Henson, op. cit., p. 259; Hart, New American History, p. 254; Home, The
Story of Our American People, II, 84; Mace and Bogardus, op. cit., p. 197;
Mace, op. cit., p. 246; O'Hara, op. cit., p. 214; Stephenson, op. cit., p. 250;
West, The Story of Our Country, p. 256; Woodburn and Moran, op. cit.,
p. 232.

80 Elson, op. cit., pp. 274-75.

87 Thompson, History of the People of the United States, p. 213; Wood-
burn and Moran, op. cit., p. 234; Hulbert, op. cit.,, p. 221. See also Fite,
The United States, p. 209; West, History of the American People, p. 395.

36 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

The time was unfortunate also within the United States. The
Federalists, after saying that "the administration could not be kicked
into a war," now voted and worked against war; for they knew
that England would have a right in war time to capture any Ameri-
can vessels found at sea. Many of the Republicans in the Middle

States also were opposed to the war The country was divided,

and a large number of the people were opposed to war with Eng-
land.88

From an international point of view, the War of 1812 was a
terrible misfortune [says Channing]. Great Britain was then engaged
in a deadly struggle with the military despotism that threatened to

overwhelm popular freedom wherever it existed in the world

True policy dictated the alliance of Great Britain and the United
States tci destroy the master despot of the age.89

According to West,

Our government shilly-shallied, in impotent indecision (between
1806 and 1810), until the energetic part of the nation rose wrath-
fully to demand that we fight someone at once to win back self-
respect. Then we chose the wrong time, and apparently the wrong
foe. Unfortunately, too, our choice of a foe arrayed us on the side
of the European despot against the only hope for European free-
dom.90

The difficulties of communication of the time are given by
Halleck, West, Barnes, McMaster, and Elson as a contributory
cause in the declaration of war. "If there had been an Atlantic
cable, the conflict might have been avoided," declares Halleck.
"Had there been less haste it would have been better, for, no
doubt, a peaceful settlement could have been made," is the state-
ment of Barnes.91

In the actual military engagements between England and
America, most textbook writers indulge in glorifying our heroes,

88 Hart, School History of the United States, pp. 205-6.

89 Channing, A Students' History of the United States, p. 309.

90 West, History of the American People, pp. 395-96.

91 Halleck, op. cit., p. 261; West, History of the American People, p. 399;
West, The Story of Our Country, p. 257; Barnes, Short American History
by Grades, p. 151; McMaster, op. cit., p. 231; Elson, op. cit., p. 273; Muzzey,
op. cit., p. 184. These are merely examples.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 37

in condemning the tactics of war employed by the enemy, and
in proclaiming our superiority as fighters although greatly out-
classed in material resources.

Although preceding the declaration of war, descriptions of the
Chesapeake and Leopard affair establish an attitude of hostility.
"Such a wanton insult to the American flag had not occurred
since the nation was founded," says Elson.92 For "this out-
rage,"93 according to other authors, the "British government
made a half-hearted apology."94 The discussion attending this
episode as given by Gordy and Guitteau is an example of how
two authors can engender entirely different attitudes in a dis-
cussion relating to the same event:

The Chesapeake, not being in a condition to make resistance, sur-
rendered. She was boarded and four of her crew were arrested as
deserters and taken on board the Leopard. Three of these afterward
proved to be Americans and were released. The people were deeply
offended and in some quarters there was a clamor for war. As the
country was not prepared at that time for open hostilities, Jefferson
went no further than to enter a protest, and warned British men-of-
war to leave American waters. In return, the British Government
made a half-hearted apology although it declared its purpose to
continue the impressment of seamen [Gordy, History of the United
States, p. 220].

The entire country was stirred by this outrage, and there were
loud demands for war. President Jefferson resisted this demand,
for he reasoned that the act was that of the British admiral alone,
and was probably unauthorized by his government. To allay popu-
lar resentment, the President issued a proclamation ordering all
British warships out of American waters. He also instructed our
minister at London to demand a disavowal of the act and restoration
of the men impressed. The British government complied with this
demand, restored the impressed seamen to the deck of the Chesapeake
and paid a money award to the wounded soldiers and to the families
of those slain. Great Britain announced that she did not claim the

92 Elson, op. cit., p. 265.

93 Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit., p. 217; Guitteau, Our United States,
p. 265.

94 Gordy, op. cit., p. 220.

38 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

right to search merchant ships. Thus the Chesapeake affair was due
to the blunder of an individual commander, whose act was disavowed
by his own government [Guitteau, Our United States, p. 265].

In general, in the discussions relating to battles of the war,
the success of American arms is not modestly concealed. Perry's
victory on Lake Erie was "a terrific fight .... abounding in
heroic incidents," a battle which brought about the only re-
corded surrender of a British squadron; best expressed by the
frequently recorded words : "We have met the enemy and they are
ours, — two ships, two brigs, one schooner, one sloop."9

Our warships are said to have carried on a "glorious work,"
repeatedly defeating "Britain's world-winning ships in equal bat-
tle," by "the superior shooting of our men."96 "In the first
six months of war we captured more warships from Britain than
she had surrendered to all the world in twenty years against
France and Europe," says Home.97 Indeed, the Americans were
such dangerous and courageous foes that, according to this same
author, an "astounded" British officer after another combat
wrote home, "God deliver us from our enemies, if this is the
way they fight!"98

At Horseshoe Bend, Jackson and his "straight-shooting back-
woodsmen" in "a whirlwind campaign" smashed the Indian power
of the South.99 Then, according to one writer, followed a cam-
paign of "terrorism" against our coast towns. In a spirit of
"vandalism," for "which no military excuse can be given because
none is possible," Washington was burned.100

"It [the burning of Washington] was a piece of ruthless war-
fare which admitted of no defense. Even in England there was a
general feeling that the destruction of non-warlike buildings was
an outrage inconsistent with civilized warfare," states Evans.101

85 Long, op. cit., p. 264; Muzzey, op. cit., p. 186; Bourne and Benton,
American History, p. 256; Fish, op. cit., p. 209; Home, The Story of Our
American People, II, 89. Most histories give the slogan.

96 Ibid., p. 91.

97 Ibid., p. 92. See also Long, op. cit., p. 268. 98 Home, op. cit., p. 96.
99 Long, op. cit., p. 264. 10° Ibid., p. 266.

101 Evans, op. cit., p. 268. See Barnes, American History for Grammar
Grades, p. 260; Burnham, op. cit., p. 247; Guitteau, Our United States, p. 280;
Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit., p. 230.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 39

Mace and Bogardus, Elson, West, McLaughlin and Van Tyne
are among the authors who point out that the burning of Wash-
ington was a retaliatory measure for the burning of Toronto
by Americans.10'

[In their] raids on peaceable towns [says Long] they [the British]
aimed to break the American spirit and bring about the peace of fear.
Precisely as in the War of Independence, their effort was to arouse
the nation., to strengthen the grim resolve to fight the war out to the
bitter end.103

The British vessels visited the coasts of Maryland, Virginia, and
the Carolinas, more in the character of pirates and plunderers than of
honorable soldiers [asserts Daffan]. Ports were blockaded, villages
and farm houses were burned, churches looted, and in not a few in-
stances the sick were murdered in their beds.104

In 1814, MacDonough "duplicated Perry's glorious feat on
Lake Erie," the pupil is told, when "with a few gunboats hastily
built he gave battle, and after five hours of fighting destroyed or
captured the whole British squadron."1

"His [MacDonough's] superior seamanship enabled him to
slacken and then to silence the enemy's fire," says McCarthy, in
his History of the United States for Catholic Schools, in which
he explains to the pupil, by a footnote, that the captain was
of Irish ancestry. "In two hours the most dangerous of the Brit-
ish vessels struck her colors," he continues. "Within half an
hour more the other vessels were disabled. About two hundred
Americans had been killed and wounded ; the losses of the British
were at least three hundred."1

In the closing days of the war, so the reader is told, Jackson
"with his hard-fighting, straight-shooting Tennessee frontiers-
men" and others won an "astounding" victory at New Orleans,

102 Mace and Bogardus, op. cit., p. 203; Elson, op. cit., p. 286; West,
History of the American People, p. 400; McLaughlin and Van Tyne, op. cit.,
p. 268. See also McCarthy, op. cit., p. 265, footnote; O'Hara, op. cit., p. 221;
Thompson, History of the People of the United States, p. 218; Garner and
Henson, op. cit., p. 264.

103 Long, op. cit., p. 266.

104 Daffan, op. cit., pp. 294-95.

105 Long, op. cit., p. 266.

106 McCarthy, The History of the United States for Catholic Schools, pp.
266-67.

40 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

a battle in which the British lost over two thousand men and the
American loss was less than a hundred.107

It is unnecessary to enter into further detail to illustrate the
discussions characteristic of most textbooks. A few authors
make clear that "from a military point of view, the War of 1812
was not a great struggle."1 Muzzey points out that "in the
end, the Americans were the worse sufferers by the war," econom-
ically, and in its military aspect that eventually "our little navy,
in spite of its exploits, had to yield to Great Britain's superiority
in numbers."109

The War originated in blunder. It cost two hundred millions of
dollars and thirty thousand lives — besides the incalculable waste and
agony that go with war. It was conducted discreditably. And it
ended without mention of the questions that caused it. Still it did

give a new impulse to Nationality and to Americanism Once

more we had "whipped England."110

On the whole, the results of the war are pictured as beneficial.
"It made other nations respect our vessels on the seas," it en-
couraged home manufactures;111 it resulted in Great Britain's
acceptance of American equality;112 it fired the country with
the spirit of nationalism;113 it gave us commercial indepen-
dence;114 and it showed the world that we "could and would de-
fend our rights."115

The textbook writer, implanting in the pupil's mind the im-
pression that Great Britain had been beaten again by the United
States in a struggle for the rights of men, has but strengthened
a nationalistic egotism attributed to Americans. It is undoubt-

107 Home, op. cit., pp. 103-4.

108 Forman, op. cit.) p. 234. See also Bourne and Benton, American
History, pp. 254, 255, 257.

109 Muzzey, op. cit., p. 187.

110 West, History of the American People, p. 409.

111 Barnes, Short American History by Grades, p. 167; Thompson, History
of the People of the United States, p. 221.

112 Hart, School History of the United States, p. 212.

113 Ibid.; Mace, op. cit., p. 255; Leonard and Jacobs, op. cit., p. 267;
McMaster, op. cit., p. 239; McLaughlin, op. cit., pp. 253-54.

114 Fite, History of the United States, p. 236 ; Gordy, op. cit., p. 231.

115 Garner and Henson, op. cit., p. 268.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 41

edly true that to many may be ascribed a profound belief in
American invincibility. For there are not a few who hold that
there is no foe whom America could not "whip before breakfast."
Following the War of 1812 until the Civil War, historic ac-
counts do not devote much space to Anglo-American relations.
The Rush-Bagot Agreement of 1817 is not discussed by all text-
books, and in those in which disarmament of the Great Lakes
region is mentioned, the treaty is often not given by name. Nor
is the real significance of the convention stressed. Yet some au-
thors have not failed to call attention to it.116 According to
West, however,

This humane and sensible arrangement is the nearest approach to
disarmament yet reached by international agreement. For the cen-
tury since, in striking contrast to the constant threat of all European
frontiers with their frowning fortresses crowded with hostile-minded
soldiery, Canada and the United States have smiled in constant
friendliness across the peaceful waters that unite our lands.117

In 1818, according to Professor Channing, "an important
treaty was negotiated [between England and the United States]
in regard to the fisheries and the northern boundary of the Unit-
ed States."1 This agreement and the convention regarding the
Oregon country are not unnoticed by frequently used textbooks,
including those by West, Bourne and Benton, Thompson, Beard,
Forman, and Muzzey.119

116 Bourne and Benton, American History, pp. 268-69; Thwaites and
Kendall, op. cit., p. 501; Course with Type Studies, Book IV, p. 74; Fite,
History of the United States, pp. 236-37; Fite, The United States, pp. 217-18;
Hulbert, op. cit., p. 227; Latane, op. cit., p. 250; Fish, op. cit., p. 212; Long,
op. cit., p. 271; Mace and Bogardus, op. cit., p. 205; Lawler, op. cit., p. 276;
Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit., p. 240; Halleck, op. cit., p. 269; Stephen-
son, op. cit., p. 255; West, History of the American People, p. 423; West,
The Story of Our Country, p. 263; Guitteau, Our United States, pp. 284-85;
Elson, op. cit., pp. 288-89; Bourne and Benton, History of the United
States, p. 257.

117 West, History of the American People, p. 423.

118 Channing, A Students' History of the United States, p. 320; Bourne
and Benton, American History, p. 268.

119 West, History of the American People, p. 424; Bourne and Benton,
American History, pp. 268-69; Thompson, History of the People of the
United States, p. 223; Beard, op. cit., p. 284; Forman, op. cit., p. 246;
Muzzey, op. cit., p. 266.

42 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Nor is the influence of England in the pronouncement of the
Monroe Doctrine entirely neglected. "Four times Canning, cast-
ing about for an effective policy, proposed to the United States
a joint declaration against any plan to subjugate the Spanish
republics" declare Bourne and Benton, in their textbook for
senior high schools.120 Muzzey, Channing, Beard, Hart, and
others do not pass unnoted this aspect of English interest in
a doctrine which came to be purely American.121

Few authors explain in so great detail as Bourne and Benton
the points of controversy considered in the Webster-Ashburton
Treaty; neither is the seriousness of the situation as clearly set
forth nor the achievement of the peacemakers. These authors
make clear how a latent anti-British feeling in the country was
aroused by the issues involved, and how, on the other hand, anti-
American sentiment grew in England because of the repudiation
of debts by American states. The significance of the treaty is,
therefore, made the more evident.122

In general, the settlement of the dispute over the Oregon ter-
ritory is said to have "avoided war with Great Britain,"1 3 and
that it was "fair for both countries."124 Some writers, on the
other hand, assert that "not without cause were some of those
pioneers angry over the result."125

The attitude of the governmental group in England during
the Civil War, as set forth in our histories, has long rancored

120 Bourne and Benton, American History, pp. 273-74.

121 Muzzey, op. cit., p. 206; Channing, A Students' History of the United
States, p. 327; Beard, op. cit., p. 206; West, The Story of Our Country,
p. 266; McLaughlin and Van Tyne, op. cit., p. 283; Hart, School History of
the United States,. p. 241; Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., p. 246. These are
samples.

122 Bourne and Benton, American History, pp. 345-48. See for customary
treatment: Fite, History of the United States, p. 310; Fish, op. cit., p. 291;
McLaughlin, op. cit., pp. 313-14; Daffan, op. cit., p. 331; Home, op. cit.,
II, 168; Hart, School History of the United States, p. 285; Stephenson, op. cit.,
p. 295. Some textbooks such as Woodburn and Moran, Mace and Bogardus
fail to mention the treaty.

123 Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., p. 306.

124 Muzzey, op. cit., p. 342; see also Beard and Bagley, op. cit., p. 215.

125 Mace and Bogardus, op. cit., p. 267.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 43

in the hearts of northerners. For they have held that "animosity
toward the United States and friendship for the Confederacy
were plainly displayed in England by the aristocracy, by the
majority of the commercial and moneyed classes, and by news-
papers."126

Discussions are focused, in general, about England's recog-
nition of the belligerency of the South, the Trent affair, and
the Alabama claims. In the latter connection the Treaty of
Washington and the Geneva Award have their part. Substan-
tially all histories deal in a similar vein with these matters.
Many of them indicate that cotton played its part in directing
the sympathies of Great Britain, and that men like Richard Cob-
den, John Bright, and Goldwin Smith supported the northern
side.127

In the Trent affair, "the conduct of Great Britain," accord-
ing to McMaster, "was most insulting and warlike, and nothing
but the justice of her demand prevented war." On the other hand,
Stephenson asserts that "Mason and Slidell were not in the
Confederate army and so should have been safe against cap-
ture."128 The official attitude of Great Britain at this time is
said to have been a good opportunity "to embarrass the United
States in a time of great difficulty."1 ' Not only were England's
actions said to have been against "the spirit of fair play," but
also contrary to "the laws of nations."1

In the settlement of the Alabama claims and other disputes
through arbitration, authors in several instances have com-
mended to the pupil this method of adjusting international dis-
agreements. "By arbitrating the 'Alabama Claims,' and other
disputes then and since, Great Britain and the United States

126 James and Sanford, op. cit., p. 401.

127 A typical treatment is found in Channing, A Students' History of the
United States, pp. 470-71.

128 McMaster, op. cit., p. 413; Stephenson, op. cit., p. 344.

129 Channing, op. cit., p. 471.

130 Barnes, Short American History for Grades, p. 272.

44 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

have shown the world that there is a better way than war to settle
differences between nations," says Burnham.131

The next example of the success of arbitration between the
two English-speaking peoples was in the settlement of the seal
fisheries controversy which, according to Forman, "led to a dis-
pute so heated as to threaten a break between Great Britain
and the United States."132

Histories then discuss the Venezuelan boundary dispute. Here,
as in the preceding instances, the effectiveness of arbitration is
again mentioned. In practically all books treating the topic, the
application of the Monroe Doctrine is explained, as well as the
victory gained in the decision.133 The statement of Home, in
The Story of Our American People, is :

The Monroe Doctrine was thus given a new and broader use than
ever before, and our government was again brought before the eyes
of Europe, as in the Samoan case. We had few foreign interests;
but when these were interfered with, we were determined to main-
tain them even in the face of Europe's greatest warlike Powers.134

According to Guitteau a growing friendship between Great
Britain and the United States had its influence in the settlement
by means of arbitration,135 but other authors occasionally use
phrases and words which do not put England in a favorable
light.

"The brusque attitude of Great Britain aroused our govern-
ment to an aggressive and spirited course of action," says For-
man.136 "England's stubbornness," English attempts "to ignore
the United States even after Venezuela had asked us to mediate
in her behalf to save over twenty thousand acres of mineral lands

131 Burnham, op. cit., p. 469. See also West, The Story of Our Country,
p. 407; Mace, op. cit., p. 396; Thwaites and Kendall, op. cit., p. 415; Fite,
The United States, p. 391; Guitteau, Our United States, p. 482; Gordy,
op. cit., p. 420.

132 Forman, op. cit., pp. 493-94.

183 See Barnes, American History for Grammar Grades, p. 349; Guitteau,
Our United States, p. 486. 134 Op. cit., II, 343.

136 Guitteau, Our United States. 136 Forman, op. cit., p. 511.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 45

in dispute,"137 and England's "indignation"138 are other expres-
sions found.

Yet the excerpt quoted from Thompson's History of the Peo-
ple of the United States is, in general, typical:

For many years there had been a dispute between Great Britain
and Venezuela concerning the boundary between British Guiana and
Venezuela. Although Venezeula wished to submit the matter to arbi-
tration, and the United States advised such a course, the British
government refused to arbitrate. From time to time, Great Brita.in
pushed its boundary line farther into territory claimed by Venezuela.
President Cleveland, holding that the action of Great Britain was
contrary to the Monroe Doctrine, in 1895 asked Congress for au-
thority to appoint a commission to ascertain the true boundary be-
tween Venezuela and British Guiana, and recommended that the
United States insist upon the acceptance of the commission's find-
ing. Congress authorized the appointment of the commission, and
war clouds for a while hung over the two great English-speaking
countries, for unless Great Britain should accept this or some other
satisfactory plan of settling the question, it did not seem possible to
avoid hostilities The British government yielded and the com-
mission of arbitration settled the dispute in favor of Great Britain.139

A further effort at arbitration as a means of settling inter-
national differences rarely mentioned in the histories was the
treaty suggested by England which failed to pass the United
States Senate in 1897.140

The abrogation of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, characterized
by Fite as "a grave mistake on the part of the United States,"1*1
is mentioned in several of the most commonly used textbooks.
According to Bourne and Benton, "Since the Venezuela episode
of President Cleveland, British statesmen had been anxious to
establish more cordial relations with the United States," and "in

137 Hulbert, op. cit., p. 484. 138 Latane, op. cit., p. 491.

139 Thompson, History of the People of the United States, p. 419.

140Elson, op. cit., p. 475; West, The Story of Our Country, p. 472.

141 Fite, History of the United States, p. 325.

46 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

1901 Secretary Hay was able to secure a treaty satisfactory
to the United States and Great Britain."142

The favorable attitude of England toward the United States
during the Spanish- American War is recounted by a few writers.
Here are enumerated events, for instance, in the blockade of
Manila, tending to show British sympathy and co-operation with
America's undertaking as opposed to evidences of German hostil-
ity,143 as well as gestures of favorable opinion at the opening
of the war.

England as an ally in the World War naturally is accorded
nothing but praise. Even in the events preceding our entrance
into the war, when occasions for controversy regarding neutral
trade are discussed, it is made clear that England destroyed no
American lives in enforcing her blockade of Germany. Here is
made a sharp distinction between German and English practices.
Whereas Germany is charged with committing offenses of the
most hideous character in her submarine campaign, England is
exonerated in her conduct of the blockade. In the war, the Brit-
ish soldiers are said to have been courageous and daring, evinc-
ing a fine spirit of co-operation with their allies in arms. "To-
day," the pupil is told, "England is a democracy" ;144 and as
"the Mistress of the Seas stands as one of the very greatest
of nations," in which "extensive political reforms," made during
the century following the American Revolution, have left her as
"a most democratic country."146

A question can well be raised as to whether the memories of
the pupil fired by the usual discussions of the American Revolu-
tion and the War of 1812 can be obliterated by abstractions re-
lating to the democracy of England's present government, as-

142 Bourne and Benton, American History, p. 556. See also Muzzey, op. cit.,
p. 297; McLaughlin, op. cit., p. 524; Forman, op. cit., pp. 317, 540; Hulbert,
op. cit., pp. 297, 354, 504.

143 Among them are Fite, History of the United States, p. 500; Muzzey,
op. cit., p. 462; Latan6, op. cit., p. 503; Guitteau, History of the United
States, pp. 560-61; Home, The Story of Our American People, II, 352;
Stephenson, op. cit., p. 430; Beard, op. cit., pp. 496-97.

144 Stephenson, op. cit., p. 157.
148 Robbins, op. cit., p. 492.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 47

cription to her of the parenthood of American Institutions, and
pronouncements of her friendship for the United States. Those
histories which indulge in these discussions have usually at-
tempted a fairness in the portrayal of controversies between
the two countries. Unfortunately, they are not all the textbooks
used, but in the growth of a spirit of fair play, which Americans
claim as a national trait, it is probable that their use will in-
crease.

CHAPTER III
FRANCE IN UNITED STATES HISTORY TEXTBOOKS

As England is the traditional enemy of the United States,
so is France our traditional friend. This attitude is due pri-
marily to her aid during the Revolutionary War. That transcends
all other diplomatic contacts either amicable or hostile. Even in
the Colonial period, the French Huguenots are described as "a
particularly desirable class of settlers and, in proportion to their
numbers," as adding "a very great contribution to the making
of our country."1

Prior to the opening of the American Revolution, French
colonial policy, in general, is characterized by histories in an
unfavorable light as contrasted with the English. Attention is
also given to the hostile inroads made by the French on colonial
holdings as well as their alliances with the Indians against the
English.2 The vigorous assistance of the colonists in the Franco-
English wars during the early eighteenth century has been treated
in the previous section of this study, but it may be said again
that the French as enemies did not seem as horrible in that role
as other nations have appeared.

The motives of France in allying herself in the War for Ameri-
can Independence are portrayed by different historians with
varying degrees of unselfishness on the part of France. Yet even
by those authors who point out that the age-long enmity between
France and England doubtless had its influence in inducing the
French to take up arms for America, the aid given is acclaimed
as generous and valuable.

"True," says McLaughlin, "the French had not entered the
Revolutionary War so much for the purpose of helping America

1 Burnham, The Making of Our Country, p. 66. See also Muzzey, An
American History, p. 63.

2 See, for example, Nida, The Dawn of American History, pp. 365-66;
Muzzey, op. cit., pp. 72 ff.; Hart, New American History, pp. 37 ff.; Long,
America, pp. 130-31.

48

FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES 49

as of injuring England, but they seemed to the men of the time
generous benefactors."3

The French [declares Fite], since their humiliating losses in the
French and Indian War, had been burning for revenge on the British,
and were now pleased to see the apparent breaking up of the Ameri-
can empire of their rivals France concluded a treaty of amity

and commerce and another alliance with the struggling states, which
she recognized as a free and independent nation. The timely inter-
vention proved the turning point of the war for the United States, for
it not only encouraged the new nation, but also secured to them sup-
plies of French guns, ammunition, and clothing, and ultimately the
assistance of the French army and navy.4

"This court is interested in separating us from Great Britain,
but it is not their interest that we should become a great and
formidable people," John Jay is quoted by Muzzey as saying
about France. To this the author adds: "Yet we were greatly
beholden to France. Her aid in men, ships, and money had been
so timely and generous that it is almost certain that without it
the American cause would have been lost."5 Much gratitude,
moreover, is bestowed by textbook authors on the French for
this assistance. "This alliance helped to change the world's his-
tory," declares Halleck. "We should remember that it is doubt-
ful if we could have secured our independence at that time with-
out the aid of French money and of the French fleet and army."6

"This [aid of France] was the real turning point of the
war," assert Mace and Bogardus. "It is difficult to see how Amer-
ica could have won her independence without the help of France."7
It is likewise pointed out by Elson that "Cornwallis could not
have been captured without French aid," and "it is doubtful if

3 McLaughlin, History of the American Nation, p. 210.

4 Fite, History of the United States, pp. 141-42.

6 Muzzey, op. cit., p. 129. See also Beard and Bagley, History of the
American People, pp. 156-57; Barnes, American History for Grammar
Grades, pp. 200, 215; West, History of the American People, p. 235;
McLaughlin and Van Tyne, History of the United States for Schools,
pp. 175-76; Bourne and Benton, American History, pp. 139, 142.

8 Halleck, History of Our Country, pp. 196, 210.

7 Mace and Bogardus, History of the United States, pp. 134-35.

50 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Washington could have held his army together during the latter
years but for French gold."8

As a result of the French alliance, England found herself
without an ally, according to West, for Spain and Holland fol-
lowed the lead of France.9

Without an ally, England found herself facing not only her own
colonies, but the three greatest naval powers of the world (next to
herself), while most of the rest of Europe, under the lead of Russia,
held toward her an attitude of "armed neutrality" — which meant
instant readiness for hostility at the slightest opening.10

But West goes on to say that "to large numbers of patriots,
even the news of the new ally was of doubtful cheer. Many began
to fear they had only exchanged the petty annoyances of English
rule for the slavery of French despotism and of the Spanish In-
quisition."1

Further gratitude to France is aroused in the readers of the
histories when they read of Lafayette, who "rendered services
of the greatest value to our country."12 He is the "Good Samari-
tan who not only gave his services freely but also spent nearly
half a million dollars of his own money to assist her [Amer-
ica]."13

The brief naval war of 1798 is mentioned by many of the
textbooks, although in general not much space is devoted to it.
It was a war in which "about eighty French privateers were cap-

8Elson, United States: Its Past and Present, p. 175. See also Beard,
History of the United States, pp. 131-32; Stephenson, A School History of
the United States, p. 198.

•West, op. cit., pp. 235-36.

10 Ibid. "Ibid., p. 236.

12 Burnham, op. cit., p. 145. See also Bourne and Benton, History of the
United States, p. 180; McMaster, A School History of the United States,
p. 149; Evans, The Essential Facts of American History, p. 204; Elson,
op. cit., p. 155; Leonard and Jacobs, The Nation's History, p. 177; Estill,
Beginner's History of Our Country, p. 166; Beard, op. cit., p. 121; Hall,
Smither, and Ousley, History of the United States, p. 159; Garner and
Henson, Our Country's History, p. 187; Halleck,; op. cit., p. 196; Gordy,
Stories of Later American History, pp. 67-69.

"Halleck, op. cit., p. 196.

FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES 51

tured," according to The Story of Our American People, and
one in which "Napoleon found us no such easy victims as he had
expected." Here again the Americans demonstrated a prowess
in arms and an invincibility surprising to the foe, according to
Home.14

Prior to the quasi-outbreak of hostilities — such as they were
— the episode of Genet is chronicled; Genet, who had been sent
to "bully us into the conflict" between England and France.15
The attitude of the Directorate toward American commissioners
at Paris is said by Long and others to have given cause for "des-
ultory conflict," which "went on at sea for two years, without
a declaration of war on either side." This had come about, ac-
cording to Long, because "there could be no dealing with such
a government of scoundrels."16

"She [France] insulted the national dignity by offering,
through her ministers, to bribe certain envoys whom the United
States sent to her to settle the differences between the two coun-
tries," the child is told in Fite's The United States.™

"England, indeed, treated us with more consideration than
before; but France seemed utterly regardless of how she abused
a young nation whom she did not fear, and she was now wroth
with the United States because the government had come to terms
without her august sanction," says McLaughlin, in speaking of
the period directly following Jay's Treaty.18

This author also goes on to point out:

French war ships ruthlessly plundered American merchantmen.
They had not, on the whole, done so much damage as the English
men-of-war, but that was not because the French naval officers lacked
the will and desire, but was due to the fact that France was less

14 Home, The Story of Our American People, II, 46-47.

15 Long, op. cit., p. 238.

16 Ibid., pp. 239-40. Beard and Bagley, op. cit., p. 199. Other references
are found in preceding footnotes. Scarcely a history textbook fails to pre-
sent the points at issue in much this manner.

17 Fite, The United States, p. 205.

18 McLaughlin, op. cit., pp. 216-17.

52 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

powerful on the sea than England, and was less capable of injuring
neutral commerce.19

The attitude of France toward the Jay Treaty, according
to Elson, "nearly brought on war." The treatment of Pinckney,
followed by the X Y Z affair and preceded by the Genet episode,
as chronicled by this author and others, are not, in any sense,
laudatory of France. These accounts may register in the pupil's
mind an aversion for the French, but when war was declared in
1812 it was another than France, the pupil is made to realize,
who became our antagonist. It is a pretty safe assumption that
diplomatic negotiations of even the most unfriendly nature do
not impress so profoundly as the assembling of armies and at-
tendant descriptions of actual warfare.20

The archtraitor of French perfidy is Napoleon if one reads
the histories right. "In his direct relations with the United
States," says Hart in his School History of the United States,
"Napoleon always showed himself slippery and false. He had
not the least idea of courtesy or of keeping promises ; hence the
Americans often suffered in their dealings with him."2

Few textbooks mention the spoliation claims and the settle-
ment obtained by Jackson. The treatment of this international
difficulty is in terms which would engender no animus to France.22

™ Ibid., p. 216. See section on England. Barnes, Short American History
by Grades, pp. 127 ff.; Bourne and Benton, American History, pp. 217-24;
McLaughlin and Van Tyne, op. cit., pp. 243 ff.; Gordy, History of the United
States, pp. 197 ff. ; West, op. cit., pp. 34 ff.

20 Elson, op. cit., pp. 221-22; Thompson, History of the People of the
United States, pp. 198, 200 ff.; Channing, Elements of United States History,
pp. 193, 201; Barnes, American History for Grammar Grades, pp. 245-46;
Garner and Henson, op. cit., p. 232; Burnham, op. cit., pp. 206 ff.

21 Hart, School History of the United States, p. 192. See also among
others, Vollentine, The Making of America, p. 135; Mace and Bogardus,
op. cit., p. 197; Gordy, History of the United States, p. 223; McLaughlin,
op. cit., pp. 241-42; Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit., p. 221; McMaster,
op. cit., pp. 229-30; Mace, School History of the United States, pp. 244-^5;
Baldwin, The Story of Liberty, pp. 233-34; Thompson, op. cit., p. 209.

22 See, for example, Channing, A Students' History of the United States,
p. 371; Bourne and Benton, American History, p. 316; Franciscan Sisters
of the Perpetual Adoration, A History of the United States, p. 340; Hart,
New American History, p. 333.

FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES 53

The attitude of France in the Civil War receives somewhat
casual treatment, and far less space than that devoted to Eng-
land. In general it is stated that France was favorable to the
South for economic reasons and because of her desire for terri-
tory in Mexico. In the discussions relating to the latter point,
attention is directed to the Maximilian affair, and here the pupil
sees not so much hostile action on the part of France as a
triumph of the Monroe Doctrine.23

Little is made of the attitude of France during the Spanish-
American War. Long holds a unique place among writers be-
cause of his statement that Germany and France united in 1913
to object to American control of affairs in Haiti.24

In the entrance of the United States into the World War
and the active assistance rendered on the field of battle, it is
frequently said that in this way we hoped "to pay the debt to
Lafayette."2' "A part of the meaning of this event," says Mace
in speaking of the visit of Viviani, Joffre, and Balfour to this
country, "lies in the fact that France in our Revolution sent
over Lafayette, De Kalb and Rochambeau. They came to aid
Washington in winning our independence. America went to the
aid of France and the world in the war for democracy."26

France gave our soldiers a welcome which made every true Ameri-
can proud that we were at last repaying our debt to the land of
Lafayette and Rochambeau, the France which had given its blood
and treasure to make our country free [declares Guitteau]. Now the
young giant of the West was sending its best manhood to fight with
France and England and Italy to rescue Europe from the black des-
potism which hung over the whole world like a pall. For wherever
liberty and self-government had developed whether in France, or in

23 See, for example : Guitteau, Our United States, pp. 480-81 ; Beard,
op. cit., pp. 478, 479; Long, op. cit., pp. 383-84.

24 Long, op. cit., p. 479. Guitteau, for example, mentions that "both Ger-
many and France demanded that they be allowed to take control of the
customs houses," due to Haiti's financial collapse, and that the United
States took over the customs administration to prevent Haiti from passing
into the control of her European creditors.

25 Home, op. cit., II, 423.

26 Mace, op. cii., p. 476.

54 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

England, or in the distant Orient, or in South America, there the Im-
perial German government had been its foe.27

Throughout the narrative in comparison with the blackness
of Germany's crimes, the action of France in the war is painted
a spotless white. France, in accepting a "war which was thrust
upon her," gained the "instant and overwhelming" admiration of
the world, according to Fite. Dash and bravery and wonderful
skill in the art of war were hers.28 Surely textbooks in American
history are not anti-French.29

2TGuitteau, op. cit., p. 593.

28 Fite, The United States, p. 424.

29 It seems unnecessary to duplicate quotations to prove this point. A
glance at any of the histories most frequently used will prove it.

CHAPTER IV
GERMANY IN AMERICAN HISTORY TEXTBOOKS

Little space is accorded Germany and her people in American
histories prior to our entrance into the World War. Few authors
devote any considerable discussion to German immigrants and
their contributions to the United States or to diplomatic relations
between this country and Germany. Few concepts regarding
Germany, as a result, could have been built up in the pupil's
mind, so that the chief attitudes formed by reading the text-
books will be those of Germany as an enemy of the most unscru-
pulous kind.

It should be said, however, that as colonials of the eighteenth
century the Germans are described as "quiet, hardworking, fru-
gal and thrifty." "They were very poor when they arrived in
America," says Burnham, "but their industrious habits soon
brought them prosperity. They were a religious people, honest in
their dealings and contented in spirit."1 "Clannishness" is also at-
tributed to them. This same author in his discussion of early Ger-
mans declares that "they wished to remain German and conse-
quently they clung tenaciously to the customs, language and
literature of their fatherland."2 According to Beard,

Their clannish habits often irritated their neighbors and led to
occasional agitations against "foreigners." However, no serious col-
lisions seem to have occurred; and in the days of the Revolution,
German soldiers from Pennsylvania fought in the patriot armies side
by side with soldiers from the English and Scotch-Irish sections."3

In the Revolutionary War, the employment of German mer-
cenaries by England reflects upon the English rather than placing
the Germans in an unfavorable light. Most textbooks mention
the Hessians, but in a manner not to discredit them.

1 Burnham, The Making of Our Country, p. 66.

2 Ibid. See also Hulbert, United States History, p. 70; Fish, History of
America, p. 98; Beard, History of the United States, p. 10.

•Beard, op. cit.

55

56 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Among the heroic figures of the war is Baron von Steuben,
whose services are extolled in many books. In fact, most authors
give the impression that to him is due the credit for providing
America with an army able to use the bayonet in a skilful man-
ner.

But thanks to the skill of a noble Prussian officer, Baron Steuben,
there came forth from that winter of gloom and suffering (1777—
1778) a new and well-trained army [declares Mace in his School His-
tory of the United States}. From the first, Washington had had a
hard task to drill his men, for they were mostly militia serving
for a short time only and did not like the strict rules of military
life. They were the best marksmen in the world, as the British learned
on many a battlefield, but they liked the Indian method of fighting,

each man for himself Steuben, fresh from the army of Frederick

the Great, taught the Continentals the fine maneuvers of the Prussian
soldiers and the skillful use of the bayonet.4

Nor are the services of De Kalb forgotten, who "fell in battle
while fighting gallantly for our independence."5

From this point there is practically no mention of Germany
until the time of the World War, except references to the Samoan
incident, the German attitude toward the Spanish- American War,
and the Venezuelan affair, and these do not appear in all the
textbooks. It should be said that few writers of American his-
tories do as Bourne and Benton have done in their History of
the United States in devoting space to a discussion of affairs in
Europe during the revolutionary era there. From a reading of
these events in this book, however, the pupil would gather the
impression of Germany as a land-grabbing nation, totally oblivi-

4 Mace, School History of the United States, pp. 178-79. See also Elson,
The United States: Its Past and Present, p. 155; Leonard and Jacobs, The
Nation's History, p. 184; Barnes, Short American History for Grades, pp.
76-77; McLaughlin and Van Tyne, A History of the United States for
Schools, p. 178.

6 Burnham, The Making of Our Country, p. 145. See also Beard and
Bagley, History of the American People, pp. 165-66; Thwaites and Kendall,
A History of the United States, pp. 175-76; Channing, Elements of United
States History, p. 161; Garner and Henson, Our Country's History, p. 187.
These are typical.

GERMANY AND AMERICA 57

ous to the rights of sister-nations, bent upon dominance by mili-
tary force.

This new Empire was far different [from what the Revolutionists
of 1848 had dreamed of] — it was built on military force. Bismarck,
the minister of the Prussian King, once said that "iron and blood/'
rather than fine speeches, were the surest means of getting what the
Prussians wanted. The first act of the new Empire was to tear from
France, which had been badly defeated in the war, two border lands,
Alsace and a part of Lorraine.6

In his discussions preceding the World War, Guitteau, in a
chapter entitled "Democracy on Trial in the World War," has
ascribed a policy of "aggressive wars" to Bismarck in his attempt
to place Prussia in the ascendancy. Out of these three successful
wars, says Guitteau,

Modern Germany emerged with boundaries greatly enlarged, and
with an implicit belief in war and military force as the best means of
advancing her national power. Bismarck's policy appeared fully vin-
dicated, although it was a policy of fraud and trickery as well as of
blood and iron. Bismarck had muzzled the press of Prussia, bullied
its parliament, and overridden the will of its people; but Germany
readily forgave his methods in view of the great material gains from
his policy.7

The Samoan dispute, usually discussed as a gesture of Ameri-
can interest in the Pacific, is ascribed by Guitteau to "Germany's
jealousy of our growing power" there.8 Other authors recount
that "serious difficulties arose between the representatives of the
two nations" and that men-of-war were dispatched to the island
to support the contending nations.9 By still other authors the
dispute is said to have been attended by an "alarm" of the Unit-
ed States and England as to the extension of German power in

6 Bourne and Benton, History of the United States, p. 411. •

7 Guitteau, Our United States, pp. 569-70.
*Ibid., p. 485.

9 Franciscan Sisters of the Perpetual Adoration, A History of the United
States for Catholic Schools, p. 513. See also Hall, Smither, and Ousley,
A History of the United States, p. 419; Fite, History of the United States,
p. 483; Hulbert, op. cit., pp. 483-84: Muz/.ey, An American History, p. 434.

58 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

the Pacific.10 On the other hand, Thompson and others merely
mention the treaty agreement made between the powers by which
six islands of the Samoan group fell to the United States.11

International incidents attending the Spanish- American War
are another source of German hostility to the United States,
because in this war, "Germany had shown much sympathy for
Spain, and the German commander at Manila, Admiral von Died-
rich .... acted toward Americans in a most disagreeable and
irritating manner."12 By textbook writers von Diedrich is said
to have "repeatedly disregarded the American patrol regulations,
and finally landed supplies for the Spaniards in flat opposition
to the American blockade." This led to "a brusque protest" from
Dewey, and the message to the German commander "that if he
wants a fight, he can have it now."13

The reaction of Dewey to the attitude of Germany in the war
with Spain, as evinced in the Manila episode, is discussed by
Mark Sullivan in his popularly written history, The Turn of
the Century, as one of the causes of the adulation heaped upon
Dewey. It is mentioned in this study merely to show the trend
of the fancies of the American people at the time, kindled in no
small degree by such a poem as "Hoch ! der Kaiser !" which ends
each stanza with the well-known line of "Myself — und Gott."1
It is a question whether in the people's minds the episode at Ma-
nila and the general attitude of Germany are associated with a
resentment toward the hostility shown the American cause,
or whether they merely increase the respect which Americans are

10 Beard and Bagley, op. cit., p. 546. Other authors, Muzzey, for example,
mention at this point the growth of German colonial power.

"Thompson, History of the People of the United States, p. 450; Mc-
Carthy, History of the United States, p. 439; Burnham, op. cit., p. 563;
Gordy, History of the United States, p. 430; Garner and Henson, op. cit.,
pp. 508-9, 538;, Robbins, School History of the United States, p. 467.

"West, History of the American People, p. 635.

13 Ibid. See also Fite, op. cit., p. 500; Guitteau, History of the United
States, p. 561; Latane", History of the United States, p. 502; Halleck, History
of Our Country, p. 436.

"Mark Sullivan, Our Times: The United States 1900-1925, Vol. I: The
Turn of the Century (New York, 1926), pp. 327-29.

GERMANY AND AMERICA 59

said to have for themselves. Possibly the attitude of Germany
would have made slight impression upon the readers of those
histories in which it is described if it had not been for the par-
ticipation of the United States in the World War, in the dis-
cussions of which all evidences of German hostility and perfidy
are assembled. It is certain that Germany in this incident is
not made a conspicuous culprit by many textbook writers.15

One other incident attesting a strained relationship between
the two countries may be mentioned before the World War en-
gages our attention. It is the Venezuelan dispute of 1901, in
which Great Britain willingly accepted but Germany "refused"
arbitration.16 It is in discussions attending this incident that
Germany is said to have regarded the Monroe Doctrine as a
piece of "international impertinence" and to have remained for
several days after Roosevelt's demand for the withdrawal of her
ships from Venezuelan waters. When withdrawal did take place,
it is attributed to the fact that "the American navy at that time
was more than a match for the German navy, and it was near
at hand in West Indian waters."17 Some textbooks do not men-
tion the incident at all,18 while others point out only the influence
of Roosevelt in effecting a settlement through arbitration, and
the episode as an indication of the development of the Monroe
Doctrine.19

15 See the sections devoted to England for the mention of England's
attitude as contrasted with Germany's in the Spanish-American War.

"Forman, Advanced American History, p. 542.

"Ibid. See also Home, Story of Our American People, II, 870-71;
Latane, op. cit., p. 525; Bourne and Benton, American History, p. 574;
Stephenson, A School History of the United States, p. 432; Halleck, op. cit.,
p. 490; Beard, op. cit., p. 512. In these books the attitude of Germany is
mentioned as changing after the statement of the president that a fleet would
appear and force settlement.

18 McLaughlin, History of the American Nation; Evans, The Essential
Facts of American History; Long, America; Gordy, History of the United
States; Fish, op. cit.; Channing, A Students' History of the United States;
Beard and Bagley, op. cit.; Barnes, American History for Grammar Grades;
Robbins, op. cit.; Muzzey, op. cit.

"Burnham, op. cit., p. 557; Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit., p. 460;
Mace and Bogardus, School History of the United States, p. 384; Hart,
New American History, p. 608.

60 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

In discussing the World War, no authors adopt the revision-
ist point of view regarding the war guilt. The nearness of the
event to the present, moreover, doubtless colors the treatment in
such a way that Germany appears designing, crafty, cruel, mili-
taristic, egotistical, and totally regardless of the rights of other
nations. Many books deal with her imperialism and dream of
world-empire, her idea of race superiority, her militarism, the
disregard of international law culminating in such incidents as
the Lusitania affair, and her alleged "atrocities." Few treat of
the hidden forces making of Europe an armed camp before 1914.

In the half century that followed the Franco-Prussian War, the
German people patiently endured the burden of immense standing
armies and the expenditures for a greater navy [declares Guitteau].
They accepted this situation because they had been carefully educated
to look upon war as something inevitable, as necessary to the future
greatness of Germany. The schools throughout the empire distorted
the facts of history and geography to teach the children of Germany
that France was a nation of weaklings, Russia a nation of slaves ; that
most of the peoples of Europe were descended from Germans, and
should be united within the empire; and finally that Germany must
have larger boundaries, a result which could only be accomplished by a
victorious war "Might makes right," said the German mili-
tarist, "and the dispute as to what is right is to be decided by war."
Along with this doctrine that might makes right, that war is "a
beautiful and holy thing," the Germans were taught .... that the
German race is a race of superior beings as compared with other
peoples; that its civilization (Kultur) is superior to all other civili-
zations; and hence it is the duty of Germany to civilize and German-
ize the world ! . . . . It is not strange that this people, feeling them-
selves to be superior beings, came to believe that Germany did not
possess the colonies, the commerce, and the influence which such a
superior nation ought to have.20

It is worth while to continue the quotation from this author:

Inspired by these ideals, the military party which ruled Germany
had for many years planned an aggressive war which should give
Germany her place as the foremost world power. Not content with
the provinces of Alsace-Lorraine which she had wrested from France

20 Guitteau, Our United States, pp. 570-71.

GERMANY AND AMERICA 61

in 1871, Germany planned in this new war to steal the northeastern
portion of France and to annex the whole of Belgium. This would
give her immense fields of coal and iron ore, so necessary for industry,
and especially for the manufacture of armaments, while the seizure
of the Channel ports would enable her to hold a dagger at the heart
of England. For Britain, with her world empire, was the enemy
which Germany expected to attack eventually, although she hoped
that this would be in a later war after France and Russia were
crushed And after Britain, then America, peace-loving, ideal-
istic, defenseless America, might be taken in hand, and taught her

proper and subordinate place in a world ruled by German power

This ambitious program was not the dream of a few German vision-
aries or jingoes. It was an actual plan, carefully worked out in
detail by the war-mad clique which ruled Germany. The German
people, it is true, were not consulted in the matter ; there was no need
to consult them, for Germany was ruled not by her people, but by the
Kaiser supported by the military leaders and the Prussian aristoc-
racy. So audacious and so insolent is this German plan of world
power that it startles our belief; yet in the fateful year of 1914 it

came near to realization Only the heroic resistance of the little

Belgian army, the defeat of the German hordes by France in the
battle of the Marne, and England's unbroken power on the sea, pre-
vented Germany's dream of world empire from becoming an accom-
plished fact.21

Evans' textbook is taken as typical of the greater number of
histories and the quotations presented may be considered as
representative.

In explaining the background of the war, there is emphasized
the "wrong done to France" in the taking of Alsace-Lorraine by
Germany, the lack of liberalism in Germany's government and
the power of the upper classes, her militarism, her desire for more
territory and greater trade, her hatred of England, the Berlin-
to-Bagdad Railway, her desire to Germanize the world, and to
spread abroad German Kultur.22 "The increasing military prep-
arations of Germany," the other nations regarded "with much
distrust," as it compelled them "to sustain armies and navies in
ever growing proportion and expense, until for many years there

21 Ibid., pp. 571-73.

"Evans, op. cit., pp. 486-89.

62 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

was a heavy burden of taxation, a feverish haste of armament,
and a spirit of oppressive militarism that boded ill for the world."
The summary of causes for the World War is here reproduced,
since it sets forth the reasons ascribed by most of our textbook
writers :

The world at large has laid upon Germany the charge of prepar-
ing for and precipitating the World War. The charges against that
nation are:

1. Forty years of preparation in creating tremendous armaments
and collecting vast supplies.

2. Justification and glorification of war on the part of her states-
men, writers, orators, and teachers.

3. Formation of the Triple Alliance, as a league of defense in
case of attack by an outside nation.

4. Hostility to any purpose of the Hague Conference to limit
armaments and to prevent war.

5. The expressed determination of Germany to gain more terri-
tory, dominate Middle Europe, and control the commerce of the
world.23

Garner and Henson, Bourne and Benton, Stephenson, Thomp-
son, Halleck, Bobbins, Muzzey, Burnham, and Barnes offer
typical treatments and follow in general the foregoing quota-
tions.24

In these discussions Germany is described as "a despotic
colossus bent on destroying free government throughout the
world" ;25 a nation making war "the holiest and noblest human
activity";26 a country who had "robbed" Denmark of her rich
provinces of Schleswig and Holstein, who "tore" Alsace and
Lorraine from France, and had made "war her glory and am-
bition her desire."27 One author points out how "in former times

23 Ibid., p. 490.

24 Garner and Henson, op. cit., pp. 590 ff.; Bourne and Benton, History
of the United States, pp. 498 ff.; Stephenson, op. cit., pp. 442 ff.; Thompson,
First Book in United States History, pp. 386-89; Halleck, op. cit., pp. 501 ff.;
Robbins, School History of the American People, pp. 496-98; Muzzey, op. cit.,
pp. 497 ff.; Burnham, op. cit., pp. 573 ff.; Barnes, American History for
Grammar Grades, pp. 397 ff.

25 Stephenson, op. cit., p. 443. 26 Halleck, op. cit., p. 501.
27Thwaites and Kendall, op. cit., p. 511.

GERMANY AND AMERICA 63

Germans were admired for their work in science, philosophy,
literature, and music," but how "success in industry and com-
merce" made them "regard as the highest aim the accumulation
of material riches."28 In the conduct of the war they are charged
with "deliberately" adding to the "horrors" of war, of carrying
"frightfulness into warfare on the sea, where fighting, terrible
as it might be, had always been done with knightly courage and
noble courtesy."2

"Because of this return to the savagery of the barbarians
from whom she sprang, by the end of 1916 Germany had for-
feited the respect of every civilized nation, and henceforth the
war became a crusade to rid the world of her militarism," is the
assertion of Garner and Henson.30

The introduction of "huge new guns and high explosives,"
the use of poison gas in April, 1915, added "a new horror in
warfare."31 German perfidy and cruelty were likewise demonstrat-
ed in the invasion of Belgium, whose neutrality "had been guaran-
teed by a solemn treaty signed by the great powers of Europe,
Germany included." In their invasion of Belgium the Germans
called this treaty "a scrap of paper," and spread "desolation and
destruction on every hand." The "superb and inspiring resistance"
offered by the Belgians "angered" the Germans to such a degree
that "they wreaked a terrible vengeance," frightening the Bel-
gians into submission by "a systematic policy of 'frightfulness.' '
They brought "suffering, starvation and death" to "innocent
victims, to women and children as well as to men."32

28 Thompson, History of the People of the United States, pp. 469-70.

29 Bourne and Benton, History of the United States, p. 509.

30 Garner and Henson, op. cit., p. 629.

31 West, op. cit., p. 709; Evans, op. cit., p. 500.

32Woodburn and Moran, Elementary American History and Government,
pp. 443-44. The invasion of Belgium is uniformly criticized. See, as typical,
McLaughlin, op. cit., p. 506; Forman, op. cit., p. 577; Stephenson, op. cit.,
p 434; Eggleston, First Book in American History, pp. 209-10; Beard
and Bagley, op. cit., p. 616; Thompson, History of the People of the United
States, pp. 486-87.

64 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

It was this "brutal invasion of Belgium" which brought Eng-
land into the struggle, declares West :

Germany had been certain that "shop-keeping" England would
not fight. This was her first fatal blunder. And the consciousness
that she had blundered called out, not a just contempt for her own
government and its spies who had mastered her, but a frenzy of hate
for England — whose overthrow in a later war, she now openly de-
clared, had been her goal all along.33

Germany's faults shine all the more brightly in contrast with
the virtues of Belgium, whose "brave" and "devoted" army held
in check the Kaiser's "ruthless invaders."3 [ The "heroic" French,
too, "skillfully against overwhelming odds," with the help of
England's "eager volunteers," saved "Western freedom and civili-
zation .... from a towering despotism."3

Thus "this terrible world-war, especially on the west front,
was waged in terrible ways new to the world." For the Germans
pursued a "policy of Fright fulness (Schrecklichkeit) deliber-
ately adopted by the German government." The reader is then
told:

Official authority in Germany for this policy dates from 1900.
In that year a force of German soldiers set out to join forces from
other European countries and from the United States in restoring
order in China, after the massacre of Europeans there in the Boxer
Rebellion. July 27 the Kaiser bade his troops farewell at Bremer-
haven in a set address. In the course of that brutal speech he com-
manded them:

"Show no mercy ! Take no prisoners ! As the Huns made a name
for themselves which is still mighty in tradition, so may you by your
deeds so fix the name of German in China that no Chinese shall

ever again dare to look at a German askance Open the way for

Kultur."36

33 West, op. tit., pp. 707-8.

34 Evans, op. cit., p. 494; West, op. cit., p. 708; Burnham, op. cit., p. 575.

35 West, op. cit., p. 708.

36 A footnote at this point injects the statement, "The Germans made a
number of savage 'punitive expeditions' for booty and rapine. In these
they indulged not merely in indiscriminate murder of non-combatants, but
even in many indescribable outrages upon women." The footnote adds that
these outrages were stopped at the insistence of the American commander
(ibid., p. 710).

GERMANY AND AMERICA 65

Now this Hun policy was put into effect in Western Europe.
Never since the ancient blood-spattered Assyrian monarchs stood
exultingly on pyramids of mangled corpses had the world seen so
huge a crime. Belgium and northeastern France were devastated.
Whole villages of innocent non-combatants were wiped out — men,
women, children — burned in their houses or shot and bayoneted if
they crept forth. All this by deliberate order of the "high command,"
and not to gain any military advantage, but, like the frightfulness
of the old Assyrians, to terrify neighboring peoples — Dutch, Danes,
Swiss — so that they might not dare risk a like fate.

About all this there is absolutely no doubt. Of course the German
soldiery became brutalized, so that, with or without orders they com-
mitted thousands of nameless outrages upon women and Sioux-Indian
mutilations upon captives. In like fashion, too, zeppelins raided Eng-
land, partly to destroy military depots, but chiefly to drop bombs upon
resident parts of London and upon peaceful villages

So, too, the Germans deliberately bombed hospitals and Red Cross
trains, murdering not only wounded soldiers but also the doctors and
nurses. And soon the German submarine began to torpedo hospital
ships, clearly marked as such. Nor is it easy to find any imaginable
crime against the war customs of all civilized nations that was not
committed and boasted of by Germany within a few months after
this war began.37

Following discussions of America's effort to be neutral, come
those telling of German spies and agents in the United States,
the Zimmerman note, and the difficulties rising out of the sub-
marine policy — a policy characterized as "barbarous"38 and
filled with "frightfulness,"39 but upheld by Germany to the degree
that "medals were struck to commemorate" the torpedoing of
the Lusitania.40 These violations of neutrality and the invasion
of Belgium led people "to see that the nation responsible for what
was happening there could not possibly be right. "4L Because of
these things, "the spirit of justice" led us to embark upon a "great

37 Ibid., pp. 710-11. The copyright of this book is 1918. Therefore, it is
plain that it is a product of the war period.

38 Ibid., p. 714.

39 Guitteau, History of the United States, p. 605.
40Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., p. 451.
"Thwaites and Kendall, op. cit., p. 513.

66 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

American Crusade," for in it "we were truly battling for the cause
of humanity."42 A "love of fair play" had developed in the
American people "sympathy for the Allies which Germany and
Austria found so hard to understand,"43 and we had come "to be-
lieve with the English and the French that Germany was aiming
at world-dominion, as Assyria and Rome had done in the past."44
Thus were we driven into war.45

In the active participation on the battlefield, throughout, the
American forces did their share. For example, in the battle of
the Argonne, they "carried on" despite "terrible slaughter."

They scarcely even hoped to come out alive; yet they fought on-
ward with unyielding courage, unbroken devotion, till they captured

the entire region of the Argonne Beyond the Argonne, our

troops pushed on with swifter success, until they reached and con-
trolled the main railroad by which Germany carried supplies to her

foremost lines On November 6, our men's desperate advance

brought them at last upon the heights above the city of Sedan

The whole German army was retreating across the frontier into Bel-
gium and Germany, beaten back from its prey by American arms.
That was a great day for our unwarlike nation.46

Thus the Americans had a share in "democracy's victory."47
Indeed, "our soldiers had fought gallantly, and had made pos-
sible the victory in the most stupendous conflict of history,"4
for "we stood forth as no feeble foe to match even the terrible
German colossus."4

As the preceding narrative will clearly prove, few books used
in our schools can be charged with pro-Germanism. Even Long,
in his America, and Bourne and Benton, in their recent American
History, who are among the few who explain that "the causes of
the Great War were not new but old, not one but many,"50 make

42 Home, op. cit., II, 415. ** Elson, op. cit., p. 521.

43 Long, op. cit., p. 486. ** Gordy, op. cit., p. 503.
46 Home, op. cit., II, 435-37.

47Guitteau, Our United States, p. 617.
^Guitteau, History of the United States, p. 638.
"Home, op. cit., II, 422.
60 The statement of Long, op. cit., p. 482.

GERMANY AND AMERICA 67

the German military leaders responsible for the war. As the
pupil reads the textbooks found most frequently in the schools,
he cannot help feeling as one author puts it, "Thus did Germany
commit the greatest crime of modern times, to the indignation
and astonishment of the entire world."61

51 Evans, op. cit., p. 493. In reality the quotation applies to the invasion
of Belgium. In order to make clear the position of Long as to war guilt, the
following quotation is given:

"German military leaders are blamed for the war, and their guilt is
plain; but it should be remembered that other nations than Germany, aiming
to dominate Europe by force, had all alike waged wars of conquest; that
the diplomacy which governed their relations was a maze of trickery, double
dealing, wickedness and folly; that all their frontiers bristled with guns;
that the whole continent was like a number of military camps, watchful
and suspicious, in which a slight difference might at any moment lead to
clash of arms.

"Inevitably, therefore, the causes of the Great War were not new but old,
not one but many. It was started by Austria-Hungary; but behind it were
national jealousies and hatreds, bitter memories, selfish ambitions, greed of
colonies, lust of power, — a host of evil conditions that do not affect America
and that our people cannot by experience understand" (Long, op. cit., p. 482).

CHAPTER V

THE RELATION OF THE UNITED STATES TO COUN-
TRIES OF THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE

CANADA

Little space is devoted to the relations of the United States
and Canada in our school histories. This lack of attention may
be due to the friendly contacts which have existed for the greater
part of our history. One can arrive at this conclusion easily
when he considers that those nations to whom the thoughts of
readers of textbooks are directed most often are those nations
with whom the United States has at some time been at war, or
with whom diplomatic controversies have arisen.

"Our relations with Canada have always been friendly but
might well have been more intimate," is the view of Woodburn
and Moran, in their Elementary American History and Govern-
ment. "We have racial and geographical interests in common
and it seems a pity in some respects that the reciprocity treaties
failed of ratification."1 This excerpt will show the character of
discussions when there are any relating to Canadian-American
relations, aside from those treated in the section devoted to Eng-
land. It may not be inappropriate at this point to recall state-
ments in some of the textbooks relative to the friendly relations
which have persisted between the two peoples, mentioned previ-
ously.2 Typical of these is the following from Elson's United
States: Its Past and Present: "Yet for a hundred years the two
nations, without a fortress or a soldier or a warship have de-
veloped side by side in the most friendly relations. Why should
not other nations learn a lesson from this?"3

1 Woodburn and Moran, Elementary American History and Government,
p. 615.

2 See, for example, p. 41.

3Elson, United States: Its Past and Present, p. 289.

UNITED STATES AND WESTERN COUNTRIES 69

MEXICO

Turning to the nearest neighbor at the south, the reader of
textbooks will find a different attitude than that taken toward
Canada. Because American arms have been successful there, be-
cause our relationship with Mexico has included far more inter-
national discord than with Canada, and because of the character
of the people, the pupil will glean from his textbooks many facts
pregnant with dislike.

The treatment of intercourse between the United States and
Mexico is not uniform in the histories most commonly used. This
is particularly true of discussions pertaining to the Mexican
War. West, for example, characterizes the war as "unjust,"4
whereas Muzzey takes the opposite view, declaring that "Mexico
had insulted our flag, plundered our commerce, imprisoned our
citizens, lied to our representatives, and spurned our envoys,"
and that, as early as 1837, President Jackson had said that
Mexico's offenses "would justify in the eyes of all nations im-
mediate war."5

Thus, authors of textbooks can be said to be divided into
two schools of thought exemplified by these scholars. Few his-
torians put the matter as do McLaughlin and Van Tyne, in
A History of the United States for Schools:

There is still room for question as to whether we were right in
fighting Mexico, and scholars differ. Our patience was sorely tried,
but a little fairness, a little more patience, and a little more generosity
might have made war unnecessary. Folk's method of blaming Mexico
reminds one of a soldier who came into camp with a dead sheep over

4 West, History of the American People, pp. 517-18. See, for a similar
point of view, Barnes, Short American History for Grades; Fite, History of
the United States; Thwaites and Kendall, A History of the United States;
Franciscan Sisters of the Perpetual Adoration, A History of the United
States; Hart, New American History; Channing, A Students' History of the
United States.

8 Muzzey, An American History, pp. 279-80. See also Bourne and Benton,
American History; Long, America; Mace and Bogardus, History of the
United States. In the case of the last textbook, the war is not condoned but
it is not condemned, nor is the opposition argument to the war presented.

70 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

his shoulder, though foraging was forbidden. "No sheep can bite me
and live," he said.6

Similar in spirit to the McLaughlin and Van Tyne discus-
sion is the middle ground taken by Beard, Woodburn and Moran,
Stephenson, and Hulbert. By these historians both sides of the
question are given in order that the pupil may draw his own
conclusion. In addition to other facts commonly presented, Guit-
teau traces the strained relations which for some time had existed
between the two countries prior to the outbreak of the war,
declaring that "war might not have resulted if other differences
between the two countries had not existed." This author explains
to the reader:

American citizens living in Mexico had suffered enormous losses
as a result of the frequent revolutions and chaotic conditions there;

and for twenty years our government vainly sought reparation

Mexico [on the other hand] charged the United States with repeated
violations of neutrality during the Texan revolution, and she persist-
ently refused to recognize the independence of Texas, even nine years
after the event. Meantime Texas had been) recognized as an independ-
ent nation by the United States and by the leading nations of Europe.
The independence of Texas was an accomplished fact, and Mexico's
claim to her former province had nothing to rest upon. The reason
why Texas was not annexed at an earlier date was not diplomatic,
but political; it was due to the institution of slavery and to North-
ern opposition to the acquisition of more slave territory.7

The pupil reading different textbooks would find a difference
of opinions among authors as to the cause of the war. Whereas
Bourne and Benton, for example, declare that "annexation alone
would probably not have brought on a war with Mexico," Vol-
lentine asserts that annexation was the cause of the war.8 Long,
in his America, however, presents the question of the real bound-
ary thus:

The United States had fair claim to Texas as a part of Louisi-

6 McLaughlin and Van Tyne, A History of the United States for Schools,
p. 323, footnote.

TGuitteau, History of the United States, p. 348.

"Bourne and Benton, History of the United States, p. 315; Vollentine,
The Making of America, p. 219.

UNITED STATES AND WESTERN COUNTRIES 71

ana; but statesmen knew little about the region when to soothe Span-
ish feeling after the Florida trouble, they allowed Spain to fix the
Sabine River as the western limit of the great territory, despite old
maps which showed the Rio Grande as the boundary.9

In the actual combats between the Americans and Mexicans,
the former are said to have "won every battle"10 in "the short
war [in which] our countrymen displayed striking qualities."11
To Taylor, familiarly known as "Old Rough and Ready,"12 who
with "only two thousand troops" was able to drive "the much
more numerous enemy" to retreat and [to] capture several cit-
ies," are attributed "brilliant" victories.13 Fish, in his History of
America, however, declares that "our regular army was very
small, and the volunteers who flocked to the flag were ill-trained,
and suffered from the change of climate."1

From the discussions of events during and prior to the war,
readers of the textbooks will gather the impression that the Mex-
icans were not only untrustworthy but cruel. The story of the
Alamo alone would establish this opinion.

Santa Anna, the new Mexican president, a man of perfidious and
cruel character, led an army in person to punish the rebellious prov-
ince [states Muzzey]. His march was marked with terrible atrocities.
At the Alamo, a mission building in San Antonio, a garrison of 166
Texans was absolutely exterminated, even to the sick in the hospital
ward; and a little further on, at Goliad the defenders were massacred
in cold blood after their surrender.15

On the other hand, according to Long, Santa Anna was "gen-
erously set free" by the Americans after being captured by the
Americans. "Had he been shot for the Alamo massacre and

8 Long, op. cit., p. 313.

10Halleck, History of Our Country, p. 330.

11 McLaughlin and Van Tyne, op. cit., p. 323. See also Mace and
Bogardus, op. cit., p. 268.

12 Stephenson, A School History of the United States, p. 298.
"Home, The Story of Our American People, II, 178.

14 Fish, History of America, 296.

15 Muzzey, op. cit., p. 269. Cruelty is attributed to Mexicans in other dis-
cussions either directly or by inference. See, for instance, White, Beginner's
History of the United States, pp. 191-92.

72 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

other barbarities, as he deserved, it would have spared Mexico
and the United States much trouble," concludes this author.18

Lack of honesty, too, is attributed to the Mexicans by some
writers, for "the Mexican border was a nest of bandits, who
raided American settlements, stole cattle, killed men and
women."17

In the .diplomatic relations which the United States had had,
the reader is told by Hulbert,

Mexico — running true to form — had been insultingly slow in set-
tling claims due for the destruction of American lives and prop-
erty Most of these differences ought to have been straightened

out by diplomacy, but a century's experience has taught us that Mexi-
cans are difficult to deal with!18

Attention, however, should be called to the statements in two
histories, which do not paint the Mexicans as the meanest of
villains and the most despicable of foes. West, in his History of
the American People, at one place speaks of them as "both brave
and subtle," and McCarthy, in his history, asserts that during
the storming of Chapultepec, "Mexican cadets of fourteen years
shared the horrors of war with the coolness of men."1

The next contact of significance for this study, as chronicled
by the authors of history textbooks, is with the Mexicans in
Wilson's administration. It was during this unsettled period of
Mexican history that the textbooks tell of "much bloodshed."20
In this "turmoil many Americans living in Mexico were killed
and their property destroyed."21 In "the spring of 1914," it is

16 Long, op. cit., p. 315. " Ibid., p. 321.

18 Hulbert, United States History, p. 287.

19 West, op. cit., p. 518; McCarthy, History of the United States for
Catholic Schools, p. 321.

20Forman, Advanced American History, p. 576. Several histories merely
state conditions without using colorful language. See, for instance, Thomp-
son, History of the People of the United States, p. 466; Mace, School History
of the United States, p. 471.

21 Ibid. See also discussions in Beard, History of the United States,
pp. 594-96; Hulbert, op. cit., pp. 513-14; Gordy, History of the United
States, pp. 452-53. Channing and McLaughlin in their textbooks omit this
topic.

UNITED STATES AND WESTERN COUNTRIES 73

frequently narrated, "several sailors belonging to our navy were
arrested by the followers of Huerta and were roughly treated."
It is further recorded that, in 1916, Villa, with "a band of out-
laws," invaded New Mexico and "killed nine American citizens."
Due to this act, a punitive expedition was sent by the United
States to punish Villa, but it "accomplished but little."22

In this land of "anarchy," "a ruthless, dissipated, revolution-
ary general, with Indian blood in his veins, fought his way to
power — Victoriano Huerta, the reputed murderer of Madero."23
On April 9, 1914, sailors from an American ship landed at
Tampico and were "seized" and carried off "to jail amid the
hoots and jeers of the crowd," the reader of Muzzey's An Ameri-
can History discovers. When a formal salute to the flag was
asked for as an apology for "this insult," this author observes
that Huerta refused to comply As a result, Congress was asked
by President Wilson for permission to use force in order to "main-
tain the dignity and authority of the United States." Following
this, the pupil is informed of the loss of seventeen lives of the
American marines sent to Mexico.24

The part of Germany in Mexican affairs at this time is men-
tioned by some authors, one writer asserting that "the German
government had bribed the Mexican revolutionists to attack the
lives and property of our citizens in Mexico and along the
border," and that "by involving the United States in a war with
Mexico, the German government believed that our nation would
be less able to defend itself against German outrages on the high

22 Ibid., pp. 576-77. See also Muzzey, op. cit., p. 494; McCarthy, History
of the United States, pp. 459-60; Home, op. cit., II, 398-401.

23 Muzzey, op. cit., p. 493.

24 Ibid., p. 494. See also Robbins, School History of the American People,
pp. 482-83; Hall, Smither, and Ousley, A History of the United States,
pp. 458-60; Garner and Henson, Our Country's History, pp. 603-5.

25 Guitteau, Our United States, p. 552. See also Mace and Bogardus,
op. cit., p. 464; Leonard and Jacobs, The Nation's History, p. 522; O'Hara,
A History of the United States, p. 402.

74 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

The recent desire of some Americans for war with Mexico to
satisfy American claims is mentioned by Beard.26

SOUTH AMERICA

The contacts of the United States and the countries of South
America are not only those which arise usually between neigh-
boring nations, but they also embrace the results of the Monroe
Doctrine. The Doctrine is discussed elsewhere as a part of our
foreign policy. In this section it will not be dealt with primarily
as a phase of the foreign policy of the United States as related
to European powers, but as directly affecting South American
political life.

Described as effectually guarding "the gateway of the Western
World for more than a hundred years,"27 the Monroe Doctrine,
in general, appears the means of a protection afforded our south-
ern neighbors. "The immediate effect [of the pronouncement],"

according to Mace and Bogardus, "was to keep the peace

With the exception of Maximilian in Mexico, the Monroe Doc-
trine has kept out foreign nations and has given the nations to
the south of us time to get on their feet."28 Indeed, as a doctrine
"really intended for the protection of the weaker states," it has
made the United States a benefactor of those states.29 As Home,
in The Story of Our American People, puts it, "Much as the
Latin Americans sometimes blame our people for having seized
northern Mexico or Panama, or overridden them in other ways,
we have clearly been a large factor in saving them from European
conquest."30 Moreover, as the preservative of the spirit of liberty,
the Monroe Doctrine has served, according to one historian, to
demonstrate that "peculiar sympathy" which North America had
for those "Spanish- American patriots fighting to make good their
own independence."31

The "resentment" alleged to exist in the hearts of South
Americans toward the people of the United States is not unnoted

26 Beard, op. cit., p. 625. 27 Elson, op. cit., p. 298.

28 Mace and Bogardus, op. cit., p. 223.

29 Hart, School History of the United States, p. 454.

30 Home, op. cit., II, 28T. S1 Fite, op. cit., pp. 255-56.

UNITED STATES AND WESTERN COUNTRIES 75

by writers of textbooks. The protection which the United States
has given their countries is said by some writers to be the cause.
It is accounted a perplexing and difficult bit of diplomacy in
"awarding protection to South America" to "avoid wounding
the pride of the younger nations, especially of the three powers
of Argentine, Brazil, and Chile, the 'A. B. C.' powers of South

America "S2

The Panama revolt is likewise held to have "caused serious
ill-will through all South America."

Roosevelt had highly pleased our Latin neighbors of the south by
his defense of Venezuela. Now, his defiance of Colombia made them
feel again, as in Mexico's case, that we were a bullying race, ready
to snatch anything we wanted from the weak. They gave little heed
to our plea that Colombia's renewed demand, after her rights had
already been paid for by France wronged both the United States and
Panama.33

Thus, many South Americans came to distrust us ; and "our
successive Presidents all tried to restore harmony by satisfying
Colombia," a gesture worth while because of "the good will we
thus won from Colombia and from all South America."34

As another instance of hostility toward the United States,
the Chilean episode in Harrison's administration is discussed, for,
as McLaughlin puts it, the people of Chile "cherished resentment
against Americans."35

Withal, the frequent meetings of Pan-American congresses and
the formation of the Pan-American Union are deemed evidences
of amity on the part of both continents. Characterized by Fite
as "one of the finest signs of the times in the diplomacy of the
twentieth century," Pan-American congresses are said to be pro-
moting the "spirit of brotherhood among the independent Ameri-
can republics."36 As a further token of increasing good will there
is presented the instance of the mediation of the ABC powers

32 Ibid., p. 525.

33 Home, op. cit., II, 375.

34 Ibid., p. 467.

35 McLaughlin, History of the American Nation, p. 499.

36 Fite, The United States, p. 406.

76 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

in Mexican- American relations in the second decade of the pres-
ent century.37

The increasing trade between North and South America is
considered an advantage to both. Special pleas for a continu-
ation and extension of trade and credits are voiced by some
writers including Guitteau, Woodburn and Moran, Bourne and
Benton.38 "We must know more of the people, industries, re-
sources, and trade of the Latin- American republics to the south
of us," declare Woodburn and Moran. "We have neglected them
somewhat in the past. We are not so likely to do so in the future.
We have vast interests in common with them. Pan-Americanism
is a growing idea."3

"Ibid., p. 411.

38 Guitteau, Our United States, pp. 633-34; Bourne and Benton, American
History, pp. 670-71.

a9 Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., p. 514.

CHAPTER VI
RUSSIA IN UNITED STATES HISTORY TEXTBOOKS

Very little attention is devoted to Russian- American relations
in the study of American history, if one judge by the space al-
lotment in those textbooks examined. The first instance of con-
tacts chronicled by the histories is the warning issued Russia
in the pronouncement of the Monroe Doctrine, for "Russia was
attempting to extend its power on the Pacific coast south from
Alaska as far as the fifty-first parallel, over a part of the terri-
tory already claimed by both Great Britain and the United
States."1

During the Civil War, the attitude of Russia in contradis-
tinction to that of England and France is said by one author
to be "the pleasantest feature of our foreign relations." The
motives leading Czar Alexander to warn this country that "Na-
poleon was conspiring with the British and Spanish governments
to interfere in our war" are attributed to an interest in America's
problem of negro slavery and the enmity of Russia toward France
and England.

Whether this timely show of friendliness [the appearance of a
Russian fleet in New York Harbor] was accidental or purposeful was
long debated on both sides of the ocean. It appears now that the
"demonstration" was planned as a hint that, if France or Britain
interfered in American affairs, they might have an enemy at their
backs. It appears also that America paid (so far as gold can pay
for anything more precious than gold) by adding the expenses of the
fleet to the purchase price of Alaska.2

1 Fite, History of the United States, p. 257. See also Forman, Advanced
American History, pp. 257-58; Bourne and Benton, American History,
p. 271; Halleck, History of Our Country, p. 276; Thompson, A History of
the People of the United States, p. 253; Thwaites and Kendall, A History
of the United States, p. 250.

2 Long, America, p. 384.

77

78 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Other authors speak of Russia in amicable terms. "Our good
friend Russia,"3 "a stanch friend of the federal government,"4
a country having "a friendly disposition" toward the United
States,5 and "extremely friendly" to "the cause of the Union."6
Not all textbooks mention the attitude of Russia toward the
North.7

The czar of Russia as the instigator of the Hague Conference
is mentioned in some of our textbooks.8 Such a laudable move,
however, is counterbalanced by the later descriptions of some
writers of Russia's defection in the World War, when Lenine and
Trotsky as "false leaders completed the betrayal of their country

by the shameful treaty of Brest-Litovsk ' Owing to

Russia's surrender, it is said, Rumania was left "in a helpless
position, surrounded by hostile powers."10

On coming into power in Russia [declares Guitteau], the Bolshe-
viki, or extreme socialists, inaugurated a rule of violence and blood-
shed. They abolished the most primitive forms of justice, and thou-
sands of persons suspected of being unfriendly to Bolshevism were
shot or hanged without the semblance of a trial. Every newspaper
which did not favor the cause was suppressed; and the Constituent
Assembly, an anti-Bolshevist body elected by the Russian people, was
forcibly dissolved.

8Guitteau, Our United States, p. 481.

4 Robbins, School History of the American People, p. 345.

6 Garner and Henson, Our Country's History, p. 460.

•Hart, New American History, p. 493.

TMcLaughlin, History of the American Nation; Evans, The Essential
Facts of American History; Gordy, History of the United States; Woodburn
and Moran, Elementary American History and Government, do not discuss
this point.

8Guitteau, History of the United States, p. 584; Fish, History of
America, p. 530; Muzzey, An American History, p. 478; McLaughlin, History
of the American Nation, p. 530; Beard, History of the United States, p. 514;
Fite, op. cit., p. 517; Lawler, Essentials of American History, p. 422; Hall,
Smither, and Ousley, A History of the United States, p. 442; Evans, op. cit.,
p. 489; McCarthy, History of the United States, p. 442; Mace and Bogardus,
History of the United States, p. 382.

"Guitteau, Our United States, p. 596; Guitteau, History of the United
States, p. 620. See also McLaughlin, op. cit., p. 580; Muzzey, op. cit., p. 520.

10 Guitteau, History of the United States, p. 620.

RUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES 79

The Bolshevik! would not fight against the Germans, to whom
they had surrendered one third of Russia's territory; but they were

ready to fight and plunder their own countrymen Hundreds

of thousands of lives were lost from starvation and disease, so that
in the end the Bolshevist tyranny cost Russia more lives than the
war itself.

Not the least among the crimes of the Bolshevist leaders was their
attempt to undermine the Governments of other countries, so as to
bring on a universal revolution. To accomplish this they relied upon
bomb outrages, the destruction of factories and material, and the stir-
ring-up of class hatred An attempt was also made .... to

undermine our own Government by the spread of Bolshevist doctrines
in the United States. But the American Federation of Labor dealt
a severe blow to the agitators when its national convention voted
against the proposed general strike, and denounced the principles
of Bolshevism.11

It will, therefore, be apparent that a reading of the textbooks
will present Russia in a way to excite, on the whole, friendly
sentiments before the opening of the World War. On the other
hand, discussions dealing with Russia for the period since 1917
will doubtless arouse the opposite sentiments.

11 Ibid., pp. 644-45. See also Hulbert, United States History, p. 564;
Home, The Story of Our American People, II, pp. 430-31; Mace, School
History of the United States, p. 494.

CHAPTER VII

COUNTRIES OF THE FAR EAST IN AMERICAN
HISTORIES

CHINA

In 1917, Timothy T. Lew published an investigation of text-
books in history in common use in the American public schools,
in order to determine to what extent Chinese-American relations
were treated. His findings led him to conclude that, owing to the
little attention given to this subject, indifference and prejudice
might result. He further held that many events which might
show cordial relations between the two nations did not appear
in the books. He said:

While the initiative, planning, constructive skill, — the brain power
— as well as the financing, that has been devoted to the marvelous
industrial development and westward expansion of the United States
has been supplied by Americans and Europeans, the Chinese have
not been without a share in the great work. Less conspicuous, less
valuable and seldom honored it has been; yet nevertheless the faith-
ful, plodding toil of thousands of unskilled Chinese laborers has gone
into the railroads, highways, mines, cities and farms that have marked

the geometric progression of America's industrial development

Practically none of the authors whose textbooks we have examined
give full credit to the contribution of Chinese labor in America.1

The same statement as to space allotment as to Chinese-
American relations is true of those histories written since the
World War. Taking, for example, ten of the most commonly used
and most recently written or revised senior high school textbooks,
the reader finds that topics relating to the two countries may
be grouped under six heads: trade relations; the Boxer Re-
bellion and the Open Door; Chinese labor and restrictions upon
Chinese immigration ; China in the past, particularly during the

1 Timothy T. Lew, "China in American School Text-Books," Special
Supplement to Chinese Social and Political Science Review, VI-VII (July,
1923).

80

COUNTRIES OF THE FAR EAST 81

period of discovery; consideration of China at the Washington
Arms Conference; and the Six-Power Loan. No textbook, in
those mentioned as illustrating the customary discussions, touches
upon all the points enumerated. All treat the Boxer Rebellion
and the Open Door Policy. All but one mention Chinese immigra-
tion and the attitude of the United States toward it.2 Only one in-
troduces information regarding the Six-Power Loan.3 Four deal
with trade relations between the two countries.4

Owing to economic conditions, the Chinese are pictured as-
generally an undesirable element in the United States. This
fact is explained as due to their influence in reducing wages and
lowering the standard of living. "Accustomed to starvation wages
and indifferent to the standards of living," says Beard, "they
[the Chinese] threatened to cut the American standard to the
point of subsistence."5

The first restrictive measures on Chinese entrance to this
country are justified, therefore, on the ground of economic neces-
sity. "Though the law seems harsh," declares Fite, "every nation
undoubtedly possesses the right to expel from its shores any
aliens whose presence may be considered dangerous to its interests,
and likewise to refuse admission to all whom it may consider un-
desirable."6

Evasion of restriction, moreover, is charged against the
Chinese by Evans, who places the blame at the door of the

2 Hulbert, United States History. 3Muzzey, An American History.

4 Fite, History of the United States; Fish, History of America; Guitteau,
History of the United States; Beard, History of the United States. The
histories taken as typical and to illustrate this condition were: Beard,
op. cit.; Bourne and Benton, American History; Fish, op. cit.; Fite, op. cit.;
Forman, Advanced American History; Guitteau, op. cit.; Hulbert, op. cit.;
Latane, History of the United States; McLaughlin, History of the American
Nation; Muzzey, op. cit.

5 Beard, op. cit., p. 583. See, among others, Fite, op. cit., p. 458; Evans,
The Essential Facts of American History, p. 428; Fite, The United States,
pp. 453-54; Barnes, Short American History for Grades, p. 315; Barnes,
American History for Grammar Grades, p. 344; Elson, United States: Its
Past and Present, p. 468; Leonard and Jacobs, The Nation's History,
p. 393.

6 Fite, History of the United States, p. 458.

82 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

"shrewd Oriental," who can land in Canada and "easily find his
way across the border."7

The part of the United States in the Boxer Rebellion is held
a bright page in our history. The returning to the Chinese of
part of the indemnity money and, as a result, the action of the
Chinese government in sending native students to America to
study is hailed as a most effective means of promoting inter-
national good will. The Open Door Policy is also described as
springing from a spirit of generosity toward peoples weaker
than ourselves.8

JAPAN

The benefit of Perry's visit to Japan does not pass unnoticed
in most of our histories. "And from that day," declares Barnes
in his Short American History for Grades, "Japan, copying
American ideas and methods, has advanced until it is now the
foremost nation of Asia."9 "Under the friendly guidance of the
United States, she started her remarkable modern career," says
Home. "She rapidly developed her industries, and became the
powerful country that she is today."1

The part of the United States in the Russo-Japanese War
again shows this country in the role of benefactor to Japan. In
a settlement characterized as "spectacular,"11 it was considered
a victory for the United States in its effort to protect the smaller
nation.

7 Evans, op. cit., p. 428.

8 See Fite, History of the United States, p. 531 ; Fite, The United States,
p. 412; Mace, School History of the United States, p. 458; Beard, op. cit.,
pp. 501-2; Barnes, Short American History for Grades, p. 333; Stephenson,
A School History of the United States, p. 416; Garner and Henson, Our
Country's History, pp. 537-38; Barnes, American History for Grammar
Grades, pp. 352-53; Mace and Bogardus, History of the United States,
p. 378; Leonard and Jacobs, op. cit., p. 490; Halleck, History of Our
Country, p. 443; Gordy, History of the United States, pp. 437-38; Burnham,
The Making of Our Country, p. 564; Forman, op. cit., pp. 529-30; Home,
The Story of Our American People, II, 362-63.

9 Barnes, Short American History for Grades, p. 226.

10 Home, op. cit., II, 203.

11 Beard, op. cit., p. 512.

COUNTRIES OF THE FAR EAST 83

As with China, immigration policies as they relate to the
Japanese are condoned. "Were we to throw open our doors to
unlimited Japanese immigration we should be inviting a far more
serious race problem than we now have with the Negro and the
Indian,"12 declares one writer. Nor is attention focused upon
the relations existing between the two countries since the last im-
migration law was enacted and discriminatory measures were
directed toward Japan.

"Elson, op. cit., p. 468.

CHAPTER VIII
RACIAL ELEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES

THE DUTCH

Of those peoples with whom Americans have had contacts, not
discussed elsewhere, the Dutch of Colonial times have received the
least criticism. Their "usual fairness,"1 their industrious habits,2
and their enterprise in trading3 are characteristics which are
given special emphasis. In view of the small part they have had
in our history, it is not strange that they receive little attention
as compared with France, England, and Germany.

THE SCOTCH AND IRISH

Among the early immigrants to America mentioned in the
histories are the Scotch-Irish, described by Muzzey as "that
sterling, hardy race of men which has given us some of the most
distinguished names in our history."4 They were, says Forman,
the best of pioneers, and they soon were out on the frontier, making
settlements wherever they could find good vacant lands. They paid
but little attention to the claims of the Indians, for they thought
"it was against the laws of God and nature that so much good land
should be idle while so many Christians wanted it to work and to
raise their bread."6

The loyalty of the Scotch-Irish to the Colonial cause is a further
instance of commendation of their virtues.6

As a land of refuge and of opportunity, according to histories
which treat in any detail of 'the immigration problem, America

1 Home, The Story of Our American People, I, 243.

- Muzzey, An American History, p. 59.

3 Channing, A Students' History of the United States, p. 66.

4 Muzzey, op. cit., p. 60.

5 Forman, Advanced American History, p. 86. See also Mace and
Bogardus, History of the United States, pp. 67-68; Hart, School History of
the United States, p. 248.

6 Bourne and Benton, American History, p. 103.

84

RACIAL ELEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES 85

appealed to the Irish, who flocked to this country during the
Potato Famine. The loyalty of this group later to the Union
cause in the Civil War is not forgotten in enumerating the peo-
ples who answered Lincoln's call.7

However, little space is devoted to these peoples in most his-
tories. To get a full account of Irish activities, the reader must
turn to the textbooks prepared for Catholic schools, such as
McCarthy's History of the United States. The following in-
cident, for example, is not discussed in any but Catholic histories :

The wild summer of 1844 — It was in 1844 that Bishop Kenrick,
of Philadelphia, asked the school board to allow Catholic children
to use the Catholic version of the Bible. Many were} induced to be-
lieve that Catholics wished to prevent Protestant pupils from read-
ing their own Bible. In American Protestant opinion, during this
period of anti-Catholic feeling, any Catholic was sufficiently bad, but
the Irish were odious. In a Native American meeting violent language
was used against the members of that persecuted race. At night
their houses were stoned and burned. A few attempted to defend
their homes and thus some members of the mob were slain. Then
was raised the cry, 'To the nunnery!" At once a rush was made for
a little community of Sisters of Charity, but a volley from its de-
fenders drove the fanatics away for the moment.

On the next day, after the burning of twenty-nine dwellings of
Irish Catholics, a church and parochial residence were set on fire.
The firemen declined to serve, and the militia were mute. At another
place the mayor, who came out to plead for order, was brutally
silenced by a missile, which knocked him senseless. The police were
dispersed. Amid the shouts of a frenzied mob St. Augustine's Church
also was devoted to the flames. When its blazing cross fell, there went
up a mighty roar. The house of the Sisters did not escape a second
time. The heroines of the cholera scourge were bereft of home.

In this emergency Bishop Kenrick was compelled to suspend the
exercises of public worship in the remaining Catholic churches. A
grand jury called to inquire into the riots falsely ascribed them to
"the efforts of a portion of the community to exclude the Bible
from public schools." Those guilty of theft, arson, and murder were
mentioned as "unoffending citizens." Though some ministers fanned

7 Forman, op. cit., p. 378.

86 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

the flames of hate, the more respectable Protestants of Philadelphia
were ashamed of the atrocities.8

Another example of anti-Irish sentiment is narrated by the
Franciscan Sisters of the Perpetual Adoration in their textbook :

From the beginning of the establishment of Catholicity in America,
there existed a party called Nativists, which, under the pretext of de-
fending American institutions, carried on a warfare, sometimes open
and sometimes secret, against the Catholic Church. Although there had
been no open sign of hostility against the Catholic Church for nearly
a generation, unhappily, as time went on, its growth was regarded by
the Nativists with disfavor. Vile books, sermons and lectures against
the Catholic religion gradually gave rise to such excitement that a
mob (August 11, 1834) attacked the Ursuline Convent at Charles-
town, near Boston, drove out the defenseless nuns and children, and
burned their home to the ground. St. Mary's Church in New York
was also plundered and given to the flames. The government made
no attempt to prevent these outrages and the leaders were subjected
to only a farcical trial, which resulted in their acquittal.9

THE PROBLEM OF IMMIGRATION

The problem of immigration is presented from various points
of view in our histories. Restriction, on the whole, is not con-
demned, and in many cases it is strongly indorsed. Immigrants
from Northern Europe, or those coming before 1880, are usually
described as desirable. In some instances, the immigrant of re-
cent years is said to be undesirable.

Various motives are attributed to foreigners seeking homes in
the New World, including the spiritual blessings of a free country
and the economic advantages of free land,10 all of which are said
to have been given freely to aliens, for "American democrats

8 McCarthy, History of the United States for Catholic Schools, pp. 315-16.

9 Franciscan Sisters of the Perpetual Adoration, A History of the United
States for Catholic Schools, p. 342.

10Gordy, History of the United States, p. 306. See also Fite, The United
States, p. 455; Barnes, American History for Grammar Grades, pp. 266-67;
West and West, The Story of Our Country, p. 356; Atkinson, European
Beginnings of American History, p. 3; Thompson, First Book in United
States History, p. 293; Thompson, History of the People of the United
States, pp. 230-31.

RACIAL ELEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES 87

wanted to share their good fortune with the poor and oppressed
in all parts of the world."11

On the other hand, some historians mention the contributions
to American culture made by immigrants, particularly of North-
ern Europe. Referring to aliens, especially those from Germany
who came to the United States before 1850, The Story of Our
Country acknowledges their introduction of new customs and
ideas to American social and intellectual life. "They brought
with them a deep love of music," it is said, "and had ideas for
the development of schools and universities which were in advance
of ours at that time."12 Material contributions "too large to
estimate"13 are likewise attributed to them, their industrious
habits and qualities of good citizenship making of them desirable
elements in the up-building of their adopted country. Indeed, it
is pointed out by one author:

These different kinds of people all had something to bring with
them French and Swiss immigrants were skilled in vine grow-
ing; Irishmen know how to raise cattle; Germans were fond of
music; the Swiss were builders of good roads. Most of the immigrants
found work or made work, and the great West could not have been
built up so quickly without the aid of the foreign-born laborers and
their children.14

On the other hand, as pointed out in the discussion relating
to the Chinese, the newer immigration does not receive much fa-
vorable comment.

Immigrants that come from the northern countries of Europe are
of a class that make good citizens, and as long as most of the im-
migrants were of that class all went well [says Thompson]. But since
the War of Secession most of the immigrants coming to this country
have been from the lower classes of eastern and southeastern Europe,
and they give much trouble. They are for the most part very ignorant,
and having been downtrodden in their old homes, they have no respect

11 Stephenson, A School History of the United States, p. 315.
"West, The Story of Our Country, p. 357.

13Gordy, op. cit., pp. 386-87. See also Thwaites and Kendall, A History
of the United States, p. 434.
14 Hart, op. cit., p. 390.

88 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

for law or government. In fact, many of them would like to see the
government of the United States destroyed. How to deal with this
undesirable class of immigrants is one of the most serious problems
that we have today.15

Thus the problem of assimilating a diverse, "worthless and
dangerous" people16 and making of them "good Americans" is
presented to the pupil as one of no mean proportions. In in-
stilling in them a love of the new homeland and "an adequate
knowledge of American institutions and American government,"
teaching the English language is held essential.17 Lack of such
training, we are told, is frequently responsible for political cor-
ruption and other vices charged against our recent newcomers.18
Although some writers commend the new immigration for "count-
less and invaluable" aid in American industrial growth,19 restric-
tive measures as to entrance are generally indorsed.20

In brief, as Fite puts it,

It is the duty of all who have come to America and are enjoying its
privileges, to take out naturalization papers and become citizens.
[For] this is their country, in which they do their work and bring
up their families, and in which they expect to live and die. It is
theirs for the opportunities it offers and the protection it affords, and
it is theirs too in the obligation it places upon them to bear a share
of its burdens. For old and new citizens to work together for the
country's good, and to conserve the best that native and foreign born
alike contribute to the national character, this is the true Ameri-
canism.21

15 Thompson, First Book in United States History, p. 294. See also
Leonard and Jacobs, The Nation's History, pp. 455-56.

16 Burnham, The Making of Our Country, pp. 544-49. See also Barnes,
Short American History for Grades, p. 380; Barnes, American History for
Grammar Grades, p. 432; Gordy, op. cit., p. 537.

"Woodburn and Moran, Elementary American History and Government,
pp. 513-14.

18 See, for example, on this point Mace and Bogardus, op. cit., pp. 389-90.

18 Beard and Bagley, History of the American People, pp. 502-5. See also
Fite, op. cit., p. 453.

20 Mace, School History of the United States, p. 494; Guitteau, Our
United States, p. 514.

21 Fite, op. cit., p. 456.

RACIAL ELEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES 89

THE NEGRO

The place of the negro in American life is not ignored by
the writers of history textbooks, but more attention is paid to
the negro as a slave than as a citizen of the present. Although
the brighter side of plantation life is depicted by some authors,
nevertheless the sympathy of the reader is aroused for a people
held in a bondage characterized as a "barbarous system," of
which there were "odious aspects."22 The reader's compassion
is quickened by the first narratives concerning slavery and its
origin.23 In its later stages slavery is painted no less realistical-
ly, particularly by northern historians. According to Burnham,

Slavery was almost as great a curse to the white people of the
South as it was to the negroes. It made the masters hard, passionate,
and overbearing. White children who grew up with negro play-
mates learned much that was evil from them. Ignorant, unskilled,
and unwilling slave labor retarded the industrial development of the
slaveholding states, in which they were very backward when compared
with the free states.24

A different impression might be gained were the pupil to
read only some "southern" histories in which the condition of
slaves is described as generally not hard upon a people most of
whom were "content to remain as they had been born."25 Yet
the greater number of histories picture the institution of slavery
as a "growing evil,"26 economically a poor system,27 and one in
which the evils were greater than the benefits.28

In the consideration of the present-day negro problem, history
textbooks do not have so much to say. In those books in which
it is treated, far less space is devoted to it than to the negro
problem before 1860. This is, of course, as one would expect.

22 McLaughlin, History of the American Nation, p. 348.

23 See, for example, Hart, New American History, p. 115; Muzzey, op. cit.,
p. 247; West and West, op. cit., p. 325.

24 Burnham, op. cit., p. 344.

25 Evans, The Essential Facts of American History, pp. 349-50. See also
Hall, Smither, and Ousley, A History of the United States, p. 267.

28 Gordy, op. cit., p. 278. 2T McLaughlin, op. cit., pp. 273-75.

28 Burnham, op. cit., p. 548.

90 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

But the negro is usually accorded praise for his economic prog-
ress from "abject poverty and the mental weakness of slavery"
toward industrial independence.29 His great advance in education
is pointed out by several authors, including books designed pri-
marily for southern schools. Evans, in The Essential Facts of
American History, for instance, makes clear that "they [negroes]
have shown an exceeding eagerness for education, and are willing
to endure hardships for the advantage to be derived from attend-
ing schools As a race they have become hard-working

and orderly citizens."30

In the forward movement of negro education, Booker T. Wash-
ington is given high praise by several authors.31 However, the
greater number of textbook writers pass by unnoted, not only
his services to his race, but negro education and progress in
general.32

Although mentioning the services of Booker T. Washington
to his people, West and West, in The Story of Our Country,
preface their remarks of commendation as to the progress of
the negro with the statement that "the problem of the negro in
the United States — his education, his rights, his relations to white
men — is still unsolved."3 These authors also assert that leaders
of both races have concluded that the white and black are better
apart at present.34 As McLaughlin and Van Tyne put it : "It is
coming more and more to be believed that white and black must
be kept severed socially, and that the dominant race must see to
it that the negro be given a helping hand toward educating him
and making him useful in industry."35

29 Long, America, pp. 398-99.

30 Evans, op. cit., p. 420. See also Beard, History of the United States,
pp. 397-98; Hart, School History of the United States, pp. 410-11; Elson,
United States: Its Past and Present, p. 448; Gordy, op. cit., pp. 379-80.

31 Bourne and Benton, op. cit., p. 566 ; Robbins, School History of the
American People, pp. 456-67; Gordy, op. cit., p. 380.

32 Mace and Bogardus, op. cit.; Channing, op. cit.; Forman, op. cit.;
Muzzey, op. cit.; Guitteau, History of the United States; Hulbert, United
States History; Fite, History of the United States, are among the number.

83 West, op. cit., p. 405. "Ibid., p. 406.

35 McLaughlin and Van Tyne, A History of the United States for Schools,
p. 442.

RACIAL ELEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES 91

These authors, Beard, and others indicate that a political and
social inequality exists in the South between the two races. Beard,
however, points out that, with the migration of negroes to the
North, the problem was no longer local but national.36 As a
part of the problem, some authors attribute to the negro a
tendency to be the prey of political corruption,37 and still in
large numbers to be "ignorant, lazy and thriftless."38

THE INDIAN

Characterized as "wild," "uncivilized," "cruel and barbarous
by nature,"39 the Indian of the day of our forefathers is often
encompassed by "a lurid trail of fire and blood."4 Withal a
"vigorous and hardy people, well built, tall and handsome" and
possessed of a "bitter hatred of enemies," the red man is some-
times, on the other hand, shown to be the victim of the greed
of the white man to whom originally he was "generally friendly."4
Some authors strive for balance, indicating that the Indian some-
times contributed materially to the welfare of the colonists and
that both races frequently failed "to comprehend the other's
point of view."42

There is the same difference of opinion relative to our later
policy toward the Indians. Guitteau describes it as "unjust,"
pointing out that the white men "constantly encroached upon
the lands reserved for the Indians," thereby necessitating the
tribe to move farther west.43 "For years," declares Robbins,

38 Beard, op. cit., p. 398.

37 See, for example, Burnham, op. cit., p. 548. This was said especially
directly following the Civil War. See Gordy, op. cit., pp. 369-70; Mace and
Bogardus, op. cit., pp. 336-37; Muzzey, op. cit., p. 389.

38 Burnham, op. cit., p. 549. See also, for adverse criticism, Home, op. cit.,
II, 298.

39Forman, op. cit., p. 58. 40 Burnham, op. cit., p. 47.

41 Hart, New American History, pp. 14-15. See also Muzzey, op. cit.,
p. 25; Hulbert, op. cit., pp. 9-12; Fish, History of America, p. 82.

42 James and Sanford, American History, p. 101. See also Rugg, The
Social Science Pamphlets, I, No. 1, 107-8. The divergent points of view are
reflected, for example, in Long, op. cit., and Hulbert, op. cit. The latter is
sympathetic.

43 Guitteau, Our United States, p. 494.

92 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

"the policy of our government was to treat the Indian as if he
were a child and a pauper."44 The opposite point of view may
be represented by Long, who characterizes the reservation policy
toward the Indian as "liberal" and "generous."45

Governmental policy since 1885 is universally indorsed. "Since
that time," says Robbins, "there has been little serious trouble,
and the Red Man is learning to take his place as a citizen, mak-
ing his own living and paying his own taxes."46 Garner and
Henson emphasize the fact that the new policy has tended to
make the Indians good citizens.47

Even Long, whose general treatment is such that neither pity
for the Indian nor admiration for his personal qualities will be
kindled in the reader, concludes that

already he is making use of his farms, ranches and mineral lands.
His young men proved gallant soldiers, brave and loyal, when they
followed our flag overseas in the Great War, 1917-1918. The Ameri-
can people are now resolved that the Indian shall be treated not
as a charity patient, a "ward of the nation/' but as a man having
equal right with other Americans to "life, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness."48

44 Robbins, op. cit., p. 412.

43 Long, op. cit., p. 410. See also Guitteau, Our United States, pp. 494-95.

48 Robbins, op. cit., p. 412. See also Gordy, op. cit., pp. 390-91.

47 Garner and Henson, Our Country's History, pp. 488-89. See also
Channing, op. cit., p. 642.

48 Long, op. cit., p. 411.

CHAPTER IX
THE DEPENDENCIES OF THE UNITED STATES

Judging from the evidence accumulated in history textbooks,
those countries are indeed fortunate, not only in material, but in
spiritual matters who fall under the jurisdiction and protection
of the United States. Cuba, "pest-ridden" and rescued from
"chaos" in three years, was given law, order, and cleanliness by
American officials. "To the amazement of the world," after this
brief period, American "troops were withdrawn leaving Cubans
to win their own place among the world's free people."1 Al-
though the Platt Amendment somewhat limits Cuban freedom,
Long confesses, yet it assures the Cubans a "security from re-
bellion at home and from enemies abroad."2

Under the protection of the United States, "though disturbed
at times by temporary upheavals," Cuba, Fite believes, "has had
on the whole a happy history."3 Indeed, "every citizen of the
United States ought to feel proud of our treatment of Cuba,"
declares Halleck. "In all history no country has acted more
generously toward another."4

To no less degree are the Philippines said to be benefited by
contacts with the United States since 1898.

The surprising result of the war [says Long] was that the Philip-
pine islands came without forethought or welcome into America's pos-
session The amazing feature of this expansion [of territorial

1 Long, America, p. 460. See also Muzzey, An American History, p. 461;
Thwaites and Kendall, A History of the United States, p. 471; Hart, School
History of the United States, p. 450; Gordy, History of the United States,
p. 435; Garner and Henson, Our Country's History, p. 535; Robbins, School
History of the American People, pp. 468-69; Thompson, History of the
People of the United States, pp. 450-51.

2 Ibid. 3 Fite, The United States, p. 400.

4 Halleck, History of Our Country, p. 441. See also for Cuban-American
relations, Hall, Smither, and Ousley, A History of the United States, pp.
438-39; Fish, History of America, pp. 476-77; Hulbert, United States
History, p. 488; Beard, History of the United States, pp. 518-19.

93

94 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

possessions of the United States] is that no statesman planned it, that
no party desired it. When we fought to make Cuba free we had no
thought of distant lands or empire, and lo! islands and empire were
forced upon us.5

To these new possessions, according to Long, the United
States went "as a liberating rather than as a conquering nation."
"The Philippines," he assures his readers, "are ours not to ex-
ploit but to develop, to civilize, to educate, to train in the science
of self-government." It was difficult, this author continues, for
the Filipinos to believe our sincerity and to comprehend fully our
statement that we came "as a liberating nation," for other na-
tions "had ruled Eastern lands but left natives much as they
found them."6

"After order was restored, our Government established among
them schools and libraries," declare Thwaites and Kendall. Be-
sides these spiritual contributions, the Americans have developed
industries, improved sanitary conditions, and improved conditions
in general. Indeed, according to Long, "It would take a volume
to tell the story of American work in the Philippines, the sacrifice,
the enthusiasm, the success of it."7

The granting of self-government to these people is mentioned
frequently, but most authors point out that "it is not generally
believed that the time has yet come for the United States to

grant independence "8 According to Home, "Our pledge

to free them still stands ; but the time when they are to be trusted
to self-government does not seem to have arrived."9 That "there
is a strong feeling in the United States that the Philippines ought

5 Long op. cit., pp. 460-62. 6 Ibid., pp. 466-68.

''Ibid., pp. 468-72. For improvements in conditions on these islands see,
for example, Thwaites and Kendall, op. cit., p. 474; Robbins, op. cit., pp.
470-71; McLaughlin, History of the American Nation, p. 521; Garner and
Henson, op. cit., p. 536; Leonard and Jacobs, The Nation's History, pp.
487-88; West, The Story of Our Country, p. 465; Gordy, op. cit., p. 431;
Mace and Bogardus, History of the United States, p. 379.

8Fite, op. cit., p. 401. Also Forman, Advanced American History,
pp. 527-28.

"Home, The Story of Our American People, II, 361.

DEPENDENCIES OF THE UNITED STATES 95

to be given self-government as soon as there is a reasonable pros-
pect of success" is the view of McLaughlin and Van Tyne.10
As to the accomplishment of this fact, Muzzey expresses a skep-
ticism in declaring,

The professed policy of our government ever since the Spanish
War has been to give the Filipinos their independence "when they
are fit for it"; but as yet we have been unwilling to part with so
rich and populous a domain as the Philippine Islands or abandon so
fine a strategic post in the Far East.11

Yet as governed by the United States the islands are said to
have profited, for the policy of America is held to be "liberal"
and generally productive of good.12

"Having done so much for the people of the Philippines,
Congress in 1917 did more for the people of Porto Rico," says
McMaster. "It not only gave to them the right to elect members
of both houses of their legislature, but made them citizens of the
United States."13

The financial help "generously" given the Porto Ricans soon
after they came under the control of the United States is men-
tioned by Gordy,14 and other writers include in the benefits de-
rived from American control, not only material advantages such
as good roads and the development of intensive production of
sugar, but the "inspiring" progress made by education.15

The importance of the Hawaiian Islands from a military as
well as a financial point of view receives major emphasis in the
textbooks. The nearness to the Philippines, the desirability of

10 McLaughlin and Van Tyne, A History of the United States for Schools,
p. 442.

11 Muzzey, op. cit., p. 460.

12 On this point Beard points out that, regardless of the "liberal" policy,
independence is still desired by the natives.

"McMaster, A School History of the United States, p. 491.

14 Gordy, op. cit., p. 433.

15 Fite, op. cit., pp. 400-401 ; Burnham, The Making of Our Country,
p. 561.

96 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

ownership by the United States as opposed to the disadvantages
of ownership by other powers, are not ignored in the discussions.16

According to Long, we owe

our valuable possession [of Hawaii] to New England missionaries,
who won the friendship of the natives (1820) and created such a
strong American sentiment, that, when European powers attempted
to seize the islands, the natives appealed to our government for pro-
tection and promptly received it.17

The customary treatment of acquisition is illustrated by James
and Sanford, who point out that the Revolution of 1893 in
Hawaii was "incited by Americans," in which the queen was de-
posed, followed by American recognition of the provisional gov-
ernment.18

American control of the Panama Canal region is treated with
little openness by writers of textbooks. Certainly it is not set
forth that there is any question either as to the advisability or
as to the right of the American attitude toward the Panama
Revolution. This does not mean that the skirts of the United
States government are deliberately cleared of any selfish interest
in the revolution, but it means that such an interest is not, as
a rule, expressed in the discussions. The unwillingness of Colom-
bia to sell the canal strip, the annoyance of Roosevelt because
of Colombia's refusal, the desire of the people of Panama for a
canal, the Panama revolt, and the presence of the United States
naval forces "to watch the course of events" are points brought
out in some discussions.19 West and Home make so bold as to

"Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit., p. 437; Beard, op. cit,, p. 482;
Stephenson, A School History of the United States, pp. 413-14; Thwaites
and Kendall, op. cit., p. 475; Channing, Elements of United States History,
p. 336; Halleck, op. cit., pp. 441-42; Thompson, History of the People of the
United States, p. 449; Elson, United States: Its Past and Present, pp. 483-84;
Woodburn and Moran, Elementary American History and Government,
p. 419; Forman, op. cit., p. 510; McLaughlin and Van Tyne, op. cit., p. 413;
Bourne and Benton, History of the United States, p. 480; Long, America,
pp. 472-73.

17 Long, op. cit., p. 472.

18 James and Sanford, American History, p. 485.

18 Beard and Bagley, History of the American People, p. 601; Beard,
op. cit., pp. 508-9; Estill, Beginner's History of the United States, p. 285;

DEPENDENCIES OF THE UNITED STATES 97

say that Americans "encouraged a revolt in Panama," the latter
suggesting that as a result of this incident "many South Ameri-
cans thus came to distrust us."2[) According to West, "American
naval forces were so disposed as to assist the revolution materi-
ally; and ex-President Roosevelt has acknowledged that the re-
volt was directly manipulated from Washington. (Said he frankly
some years later, 'I took Panama.')"21 According to Forman, "in
hot-footed haste [Roosevelt] recognized the new government or-
ganized by the seceding State."22 Such statements do not ap-
pear often, however.

The payment later of $25,000,000 to Colombia "to remove
any ground for belief that a sister republic had been unjustly
treated" might, if so stated, occasion in the reader a suspicion
that some question as to the action of the United States had
arisen.23 Many textbooks fail to mention the appearance of
American naval forces in Colombian waters during the revolu-
tion.24 The reluctance of Colombia to release the canal strip to
the United States is generally regarded as due to selfish motives
and a desire to get all she could.25 The value of the canal from
a financial point of view is given much attention.26

Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., p. 426; Fite, History of the United States,
p. 519, illustrate typical treatment.

20 Home, op. cit., II, 467.

"West, History of the American People, p. 644.

-2 Forman, op. cit., p. 541. 23 Robbins, op. cit., p. 481.

-4 For example, the following do not mention American naval forces :
Eggleston, First Book in American History; Hall, Smither, and Ousley,
op. cit.; McMaster, op. cit.; Stephenson, op. cit.; Hart, op. cit.; Mace, School
History of the United States; Thompson, First Book in United States
History; Gordy, op. cit.

25 McLaughlin, op. cit., p. 525 ; Elson, op. cit., p. 494.

28 Thompson, History of the People of the United States, pp. 452, 454;
Eggleston, op. cit., p. 194; West, The Story of Our Country, p. 470; Burnham,
op. cit., pp. 566-69; Estill, op. cit., pp. 284-85; Barnes, Short American
History for Grades, p. 336; Barnes, American History for Grammar
Grades, pp. 354-55; Leonard and Jacobs, pp. cit., p. 482; Mace, op. cit.,
p. 462; Thompson, First Book in American History, p. 366; Halleck, op. cit.,
pp. 489-90; Gordy, op. cit., pp. 441-42.

98 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

The expansion of the United States through the establishment
of protectorates is not accorded much consideration in the com-
monly used histories. The setting-up of protectorates over Santo
Domingo, Nicaragua, and Haiti is explained on the basis that
such action prevented "a hostile European power" from becom-
ing "a source of danger to American interests."27 In the case
of Santo Domingo, the influence of the United States is ascribed
to the effectiveness of the Monroe Doctrine that caused the world
to open its eyes. "The practical effect was to make Uncle Sam
a kind of policeman for the western hemisphere."28

The necessity of a supervision of the affairs of Nicaragua is
ascribed to the danger which might be occasioned were a foreign
power to seize territory near our canal, or, perhaps, dig another
canal through Nicaragua.29

Thus, according to Hall, Smither, and Ousley:

By various steps, either in the enforcement of the Monroe Doc-
trine or to protect our own interests by guarding the approaches to
the Panama Canal, we have adopted a kind of supervision over many
of the islands of the Caribbean Sea and the mainlands bordering
on its waters. Santo Domingo, Haiti, Venezuela, and Nicaragua were
all heavily in debt to European powers. Upon the appeal of these
countries, or in order to prevent foreign intervention and occupation
which would be a violation of the Monroe Doctrine, the United States
has assumed a certain degree of authority in the management of their
finances for the payment of their debts. We have gained control of
all available canal routes and have been granted coaling stations and
naval bases.30

"In line with this policy of guarding American interests in
the Caribbean was the purchase of the Danish islands," assert

27 Beard and Bagley, op. cit., p. 611. The quotation refers to Haiti in
particular. See also Long, op. cit., p. 445; Beard, op. cit., p. 513; Garner
and Henson, op. cit., p. 606; Gordy, op. cit., pp. 436-37; West, The Story
of Our Country, p. 470; Elson, op. cit., p. 517; Woodburn and Moran, op. cit.,
p. 515; Mace and Bogardus, op. cit., p. 413.

-8Forman, op. cit., p. 543.

29 Long, op. cit., pp. 479-80.

30 Hall, Smither, and Ousley, A History of the United States, pp. 460-61.

DEPENDENCIES OF THE UNITED STATES 99

Beard and Bagley.31 The strategic advantages of an ownership
of the Virgin Islands is likewise discussed by other authors.32
Such intervention in the affairs of neighboring peoples has
been adjudged a good thing, for

wherever national duty imposes on them tasks of colonial administra-
tion be it in the Orient or in the Occident, Americans at once gather
the youth of the land which is placed in their charge, into public
schools like those of the United States. The public school is a store-
house of national well-being for all peoples.33

The policy is clearly depicted as a means for national de-
fense. "Since we have become a world power we must play the
game of world politics," declares Long. "For us the first ob-
ject of that dangerous game is not to get more territory but to
guard our national peace and safety."3 The influence of eco-
nomic forces as a factor in the American adventure into the
Caribbean is not set forth for the pupil. The Story of Our Coun-
try is unique in stating that our military officers have sometimes
used their authority in "very arbitrary and un-American ways."3

81 Beard and Bagley, op. cit., p. 613.

K Beard, op. cit., pp. 479-80, 593-94; Barnes, Short American History for
Grades, p. 382; Fite, The United States, p. 410; Garner and Henson, Our
Country's History, p. 606; Mace, op. cit., pp. 474-75; Halleck, op. cit., p. 491;
McMaster, op. cit., p. 491; Woodburn and Moran, Elementary American
History, p. 437; West, The Story of Our Country, p. 471; Bourne and
Benton, op. cit., p. 485; Robbins, op. cit., p. 482; Guitteau, Our United
States, p. 482.

33 Fite, The United States, p. 409.

34 Long, op. cit., p. 480.

35 West, The Story of Our Country, p. 471.

CHAPTER X
THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES

Although introduced at other points in this study, it may be
well to add a few statements concerning discussions relating to
the foreign policy of the United States — a policy inaugurated
by Washington and receiving universal commendation. All au-
thors are agreed that Washington's policy was the only feasible
and sensible procedure open to the United States at that time.1
Its significance in establishing an isolation for the United States
and in keeping this country out of "European quarrels" is men-
tioned.2 Such, indeed, is held highly desirable according to the
textbooks.

The same favorable treatment as given Washington's policies
is accorded the Monroe Doctrine. Far more space in the histories
is devoted to its pronouncement and its earlier applications than
to the significance of its later growth and applications, which
are inadequately and superficially dealt with.

It is generally conceded to have been a "necessary" as well as
a beneficial doctrine not only for the United States but for those
nations to whom it was to apply.

Its main motive, according to McLaughlin, who quotes
Schouler on this point, was "to shelter honorably those tender
blossoms of liberty on kindred soil from the cold Siberian blasts

1 See, for example, West, The Story of Our Country, p. 234; Fish, History
of America, p. 202; Evans, The Essential Facts of American History, pp.
242-43; Channing, A Students' History of the United States, p. 243; Hart,
New American History, p. 223; Guitteau, Our United States, p. 245; Robbins,
School History of the American People, p. 193; McLaughlin and Van Tyne,
A History of the United States for Schools, p. 240; Mace, School History
of the United States, p. 228.

2 See, for example, Mace, School History of the United States, p. 228;
McLaughlin and Van Tyne, A History of the United States for Schools,
p. 240.

100

FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES 101

of despotism."3 The United States is made, therefore, the "cham-
pion of freedom throughout the two Americas."*

The effect of its declaration upon the American people is
held likewise profoundly beneficial, for it made men whose politi-
cal horizon had been limited to a community or a state "con-
sider their nation a great power among the sovereignties of the
earth, taking its part in shaping their international relations."5
The approval of the Doctrine by the American people and its
gradual incorporation into the consciousness of the United States
served as bulwarks for a growing nationalism.6 That the Doc-
trine was not unanimously indorsed by people of its time is men-
tioned by Bourne and Benton.7

Europe also gave heed, for, according to Gordy, although
"a vigorous position to take," the Americans had won respect
through "the valor and heroism of our fighting on land and sea,
and the brilliant victories already achieved."8 That Europe has
not always liked the Doctrine but has not dared disregard it
is called to the reader's attention by Thompson and Barnes.9

The "triumphs" of the Doctrine, whenever applied to inter-
national disputes, are chronicled in connection with the portions
of this study dealing with the different countries concerned. As
a doctrine of peace and a preserver of democracy, it receives in
the textbooks the approval of their authors.10

3 McLaughlin, History of the American Nation, pp. 273-74.

* Robbins, School History of the American People, p. 212.

5 Beard, History of the United States, p. 207.

°See Forman, Advanced American History, p. 260; Fish, op. cit., p. 215;
Beard and Bagley, First Book in American History, p. 194.

7 Bourne and Benton, American History, p. 277.

8 Gordy, History of the United States, p. 235.

9 Thompson, First Book of United States History, pp. 255-56; Barnes,
Short American History, pp. 178-79.

10 See Elson, United States: Its Past and Present, p. 288; Mace and
Bogardus, History of the United States, p. 223, for examples of this point.

CHAPTER XI
POLITICAL CONCEPTS

The American public school, through the agency of the text-
book, is definitely committed to inculcating in the pupil's mind
political concepts held to be mainly American. These include
concepts transmitted to the present generation through a period
of change, development, and adjustment, as well as the original
theories respecting the rights and duties of man under govern-
ment, as bequeathed by our American forbears. History text-
book writers, very naturally, leave to the authors of books on
government extensive discussions of these factors in American
life. But historians do not fail to note their significance in the
political history of the country.

Among the "rights" inherited by the American people, accord-
ing to the textbooks, are the right of petition, free speech and
press, religious freedom, the right of holding property, freedom
of person, and trial by jury.

The obligation of the citizen to his government likewise re-
ceives attention. Those political documents which have held and
secured the rights and privileges of Americans, the character and
structure of the government, and recent innovations, such as the
recall, are not unnoticed. The rule of the people, in which there
is a majority as opposed to minority opinion, most often ex-
pressed through political parties, the delights of democracy pro-
claimed because of the "consent of the governed," make of our
government, in the words of a textbook writer, "the largest and
most promising of mankind's experiments in this difficult field
of self-government by an entire people."1 He declares :

Our country has developed into a true Representative Democracy.
That is, our people select their own officials, and have all an equal
vote in changing them when necessary. These representatives are
pledged to direct our Government for the equal benefit of us all.

1 Home, The Story of Our American People, I, 3.

102

POLITICAL CONCEPTS 103

There is the same law for all, the same permissions and the same re-
straints. That is the nearest approach to the ideal of EQUALITY that
man has yet been able to attain.2

That "democracy is considered the ideal form of government
by most of the civilized world" is made an accepted truth.3 The
reasonableness and effectiveness of the representative system are
stressed as well.* Through such a system, liberty, the boon
offered by America to all, according to the writers, was pre-
served. As a tool in its preservation is the law, written or un-
written, toward which obedience is owed by all to whom it offers
protection.5

As setting forth the principles of government, the most fre-
quently discussed political documents are the Mayflower Com-
pact, the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confedera-
tion, the Constitution, and the state constitutions. The North-
west Ordinance is also frequently treated.

According to Hart, the great principles contained in the state
constitutions, the Declaration of Independence, and the Articles
of Confederation are:

(1) A written constitution is a "fundamental law" which cannot
be altered by an ordinary law of a legislature or congress

(2) The old doctrine of "natural rights'* or "fundamental rights"
or "inalienable rights" was claimed in the Declaration of Independ-
ence, and enlarged and stated in the "bills of rights" which were
added to the state constitutions

(3) The Americans wanted a popular government in which there
should be no king, no nobles, no privileged classes 6

The praise given these bulwarks of American freedom is not
scant in any sense. The Declaration of Independence is said to

2 Ibid.

3Fite, History of the United States, p. 177.

4 See, for example, statements bearing out this point in McLaughlin,
History of the American Nation, p. 134; Daffan, History of the United
States, p. 49; Fish, History of America, p. 145.

B Fish, op. cit., has developed this probably to the greatest degree of any
of the high-school histories.

8 Hart, School History of the United States, pp. 151-52.

104 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

be "truly immortal,"7 "a great human document,"8 and "the most
famous document known in the history of our country."9 The
Constitution is adjudged "the most marvelous written political
instrument that has ever been made."1' Evans describes it as a
"noble instrument .... made by the greatest men of our na-
tion."11

A monumental episode in the world's history, the American Con-
stitution! [Long declares, quoting A. Maurice Low] Never was

there anything like it The history of mankind is a struggle

for liberty and equality. From the time that men began to teach
and to preach they taught liberty and proclaimed equality ; but neither
liberty nor equality existed as we today know them, until they were
written into the American Constitution, there to remain and to be a
beacon-light to all the world.12

The famous remark of Mr. Gladstone, that the United States
Constitution was "the most wonderful work ever struck off at a
given time by the brain and purpose of man," likewise finds a
place in the textbooks.13

Leonard and Jacobs, in The Nation's History, confess that
"the Constitution of the United States may not be perfect ; but
it is the best constitution which the wisest Americans of 1787
were able to make, and it has stood the test of time."1

7 Beard and Bagley, History of the American People, p. 150.

8 Fite, op. cit., p. 133. See also Woodburn and Moran, Elementary
American History and Government, pp. 143-44.

"White, Beginner's History of the United States, p. 137. See also
Channing, Elements of United States History, p. 145; Hart, op. cit., pp.
148-49; Elson, United States: Its Past and Present, pp. 139 if.; Burnham,
The Making of Our Country, pp. 135-36; Bourne and Benton, American
History, pp. 119-21.

10 Channing, A Students' History of the United States, p. 220. See also
Fish, op. cit., p. 178; Elson, op. cit., p. 206; Mace and Bogardus, History
of the United States, p. 158; Fite, The United States, p. 185; McLaughlin,
op. cit., p. 196.

11 Evans, The Essential Facts of American History, p. 234.

12 Long, America, p. 221.

13 Elson, op. cit., p. 195; Burnham, op. cit., p. 167.
"Leonard and Jacobs, The Nation's History, p. 215.

POLITICAL CONCEPTS 105

Its perfection is further attested to by Home, when he points
out:

Many written constitutions have since been prepared by various
nations; but they all had this one for a model. Our founders had no
similar document to go by. They drew their ideas from the Declara-
tion of Independence, from colonial charters, from the practical ex-
perience of each colony in self-government, and from their own broad
knowledge of mankind. The Constitution established the basic, un-
changing principles of our American philosophy of government. It
fitted the moment and the need, as no other government could have
done. Yet in matters of detail it contained such wise provisions for
its own change that we have ever since been able to alter it to fit
new conditions and new generations of men.15

Duty to a constituency and the necessity of honesty in office
are qualities mentioned as desirable for public officials. "But
where dishonesty by a man in public office has been proved he
may be regarded as little better than a traitor," declares Rob-
bins.16 Discussions of corruption in Grant's administrations fre-
quently emphasize the dangers of such a condition, and the in-
fluence of public opinion in getting upright officials is a point
made occasionally in connection with the duties of a voter.17

Advocacy of civil service reform and disapproval of the spoils
system have their place in the textbooks.18 Throughout, however,
the space allotment is far less than in books designed primarily
for the student of government.

15 Home, op. cit., I, 428-29.

18 Robbins, School History of the American People, p. 539.

17 McLaughlin, op. cit., p. 521.

18 See, for example, Evans, op. cit., pp. 424-25; Robbins, op. cit., pp. 252,
424-25; Fite, History of the United States, pp. 278-79; McLaughlin, op. cit.,
pp. 292-93; Beard, History of the United States, pp. 538-39; Beard and
Bagley, First Book in American History, p. 205; Barnes, Short American
History by Grades, p. 194; Fite, The United States, p. 262; Garner and
Henson, Our Country's History, pp. 495-96; Thwaites and Kendall, A History
of the United States, pp. 437-38; Mace and Bogardus, op. cit., p. 227;
Leonard and Jacobs, op. cit., pp. 408, 279; Halleck, History of Our Country,
p. 315; Gordy, History of the United States, p. 250.

CHAPTER XII

THE AMERICAN: HIS ACHIEVEMENTS, IDEALS,
AND COUNTRY

Closely allied with the political concepts gained from reading
history textbooks are attitudes and ideals, some of which are
political, set up regarding the character and prowess of the
United States. Here by direction and indirection the writers of
textbooks have created impressions regarding American customs,
institutions, and ideals which tend to separate the United States
from other nations. The boon of freedom, denied to many peo-
ples, the wonders of democracy and the democratic principles
of the American people as presented to pupils inevitably must
make a lasting impression. Through all runs the story of the
superiority of a people able to create and to attain the unusual.

Our country [says Long] began at a time when kings misruled the
world, when government was considered such a difficult science that

only a few trained nobles could understand it Yet our colonists

quickly mastered the practical art of government; .... in the field
of politics the American people have done three extraordinary things :

1. They have constantly aimed to govern themselves instead of
tamely submitting to be governed by others, as most of the world's
people have submitted up to recent times.

2. They changed the nature of government, as men formerly un-
derstood it

3. Following their own theory of government the American people
have been steadily removing every form of class privilege; that is,
a right given to one class of people which is not equally given to

every other class America stands for one folk equal before

God and man in their rights and privileges. That is the pride of our
democracy, and the wisdom and power of it.1

All this, according to authors, created in other nations won-
derment and surprise, for the unique character of the form of
government established by the Revolutionary patriots and since

JLong, America, pp. 9-10.

106

THE AMERICAN 107

maintained by "a plain people" aroused an interest in "thought-
ful men and women the world over, especially in monarchical

Europe, where the common people had little power "2

For:

.... Ours is a government not of force or fear but of ideals.
.... Liberty is an American ideal, and every man desires liberty
above all other gifts. Justice is an American ideal, and every right-
minded man believes in justice. Equality (meaning equal rights) is
an ideal in which men have always believed, yet the human quality
of all citizens was never admitted by any nation -until it was written
into the Constitution of the United States 3

More than this, the social ideals of the American people have
occasioned astonishment in people. They cannot understand how
"in all our free America of today, we do not consider one person
better than another on account of birth and station."4 Indeed,
it is taught that America is "the greatest democratic nation in
the world," the " 'land of the free and the home of the brave.' "5

The Revolution, according to Bourne and Benton, made a
nation "dedicated to the ideals of equal opportunity, of inalien-
able rights, and of government by the consent of the governed.
.... It meant, moreover, the presence among the nations of
one that knew no caste, no nobility, or other hereditary dis-
tinctions "6 For, according to Home, "there is the

same law for all, the same permissions and the same restraints."7
And Fite quotes Crevecour's definition :

Here individuals of all races are melted into a new race of men,
whose labors and posterity will one day cause great changes in the
world. Americans are the western pilgrims, who are carrying along
with them the great mass of arts, sciences, vigor and industry, which

began long since in the east. They will finish the great circle

Here they are incorporated into one of the finest systems of popu-

2 Fite, History of the United States, p. 295.

3 Long, op. cit., pp. 6-7.

4Elson, United States: Its Past and Present, p. 95.

5 Burnham, Our Beginnings in Europe and in America, pp. 363, 5-6.

6 Bourne and Benton, American History, p. 160.

7 Home, The Story of Our American People, I, 3.

108 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

lation which has ever appeared The American is a new man,

who acts upon new principles; he must therefore entertain new ideas,
and form new opinions This is an American."8

Thus, out of these unusual conditions has come a people who
seek "the way of justice," and who follow it "when they have
found it" ;9 who have the qualities of "good humor, a love of free-
dom, cheerfulness in bad fortune, generosity in good fortune,
warm-heartedness, shrewdness, carelessness of danger, and im-
mense energy,"1' and who are "wide-awake, industrious, and
thoughtful men, women and children."1

It is American ingenuity that has placed our country among
the first industrial nations of the world, according to Beard and
Bagley.12 Evidence of this quality is adduced by "the dynamic
energy" and "amazing activity" of the Americans upon the en-
trance of the United States into the World War.13

In the arts and sciences, the textbooks describe the American
people as having shown a "more wonderful genius for invention
than those of any other country."1 Indeed, according to one
textbook, "The American invents as the Greek chiseled, as the
Venetian painted, as the modern Italian sings."15

"Americans are celebrated for their skill in adapting scientific
knowledge to useful ends," says Stephenson.16 In the field of
literary endeavor, American newspapers and magazines are
"among the best," and many of our authors, artists, and musi-

8 Fite, The United States, p. 115.

0 Long, op. cit., p. 429.

10 Stephenson, A School History of the United States, p. 518.

11 Hart, School History of the United States, p. 12. See also Long,
America, p. 12.

12 Beard and Bagley, First Book in American History, p. 354.
"Elson, op. cit., pp. 523-24.

14 Thompson, First Book in United States History, p. 346. See also Hart,
op. cit., p. 460; Evans, The Essential Facts of American History, pp. 449-85.
"West, The Story of Our Country, p. 281.

18 Stephenson, op. cit., p. 501. See also Thompson, History of the United
States, Political, Social, Industrial, p. 151.

THE AMERICAN 109

cians are believed to have attained world-wide renown.17 Thwaites
and Kendall declare:

The religion, literature, and pleasures of the people show what
they really are. The United States was simple and clean in its amuse-
ments and had ideals that it was not ashamed to show. President
Roosevelt's demand for a "square deal" for everyone expressed the
desire of a nation that loved clean sport and hated a cheat. The great
churches that were being built, from the massive cathedrals in New
York, to humble missions in little towns, measured an interest in

things of the spirit that prosperity had not lessened

Throughout the literature and religion ran unceasingly the old Ameri-
can ideals of real democracy. Even the moving pictures, which be-
came more popular than the theater had ever been, expressed these
same notions of democracy 18

For the promotion of intellectual interests, it is agreed that
"no country has a more complete system of public schools" than
the United States,19 for it was early recognized that education
was necessary for an intelligent and upright citizenry.20

According to Robbins,

It is because democracy means "government of the people, by the
people" that education has always been a matter of such grave con-
cern to good citizens of our republic. Our people may be expected to
rule their country the more wisely as they are the more educated.21

In providing for education, the United States, according to
Hall, Smither, and Ousley, "is the foremost in the world."22 The

"Hall, Smither, and Ousley, A History of the United States, p. 522;
Fite, History of the United States, p. 298; West, op. cit., pp. 493-94.

18 Thwaites and Kendall, A History of the United States, pp. 486-87.

19 The statement of Stephenson, op. cit., p. 503.

20 Home, op. cit., II, 485; I, 218. See also Thwaites and Kendall, op. cit.,
p. 423.

21 Robbins, School History of the American People, p. 530. See also
Woodburn and Moran, Elementary American History and Government,
p. 502; Gordy, History of the United States, p. 539.

22 Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit., p. 514. See also for American
education, Eggleston, First Book in American History, p. 97; Vollentine,
The Making of America, p. 245; Fite, The United States, p. 385; Garner

110 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

American people, it is held, have become obsessed with "a popu-
lar passion" for education, which has made it possible for all to
have an education. This popular fancy for education is ad-
ditional proof that Americans are "concerned with matters of
the spirit as well as with material things."23

In our relationship with other nations, the histories describe
the United States as always willing to help the distressed and
as being of service, in innumerable ways, to the whole world.

"The United States, now the leading power of the world," de-
clares Barnes, "has done more for world advancement than any

other nation "24 Indeed, it is the natural instinct of

Americans to help the distressed, or as one textbook puts it, act
as "Good Samaritans."25 As examples of this generous spirit,
the writers of histories mention "how Americans saved the world
from a scourge (yellow fever)";26 how Americans came to the
aid of the Cubans for "humanity's sake" ;27 how we sent for re-
lief to the starving people of Russia "twenty million dollars" in
1921 ;28 how we have maintained a generous attitude toward
China;29 how, in the World War, we became the defender of
humanity.30 In this last connection it is said that our unselfish-
ness is well demonstrated in the amount of money spent when we
were " 'seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to
share with all free peoples.' "31

and Henson, Our Country's History, p. 570; West, The Story of Our Country,
pp. 495 ff.; Rugg, Pamphlets, I, 167-68; 173-74; Mace and Bogardus, History
of the United States, p. 424; Halleck, History of Our Country, p. 527.
23Thwaites and Kendall, op. cit., p. 423.

24 Barnes, American History for Grammar Grades, pp. 425-26.

25 Halleck and Frantz, Our Nation's Heritage, p. 408.

26 Ibid., pp. 408-9.

27 See Home, op. cit., II, 350; Leonard and Jacobs, The Nation's History,
p. 475; Halleck and Frantz, op. cit., pp. 406-7; Muzzey, An American
History, p. 452.

28Elson, op. cit., p. 540.

29 Halleck and Frantz, op. cit., pp. 407-8.

30 The point of view of substantially all histories.

31 Halleck and Frantz, op. cit., p. 408.

THE AMERICAN 111

In the World War, moreover, our service to humanity is said
to have gone beyond the giving of money, for we are described
as "Crusaders of old," who went forth to secure for all mankind
"the right of self-government."32 For all this, "we asked no con-
trol over any part of Europe's future, no security even for the
payment of our debts. We left behind us only the graves of our
men, who had died there that the world might be free."33

In all our generosity, according to Halleck and Frantz, we do
not consider the "almighty dollar."34 We have far less "narrow-
ness" than other nations, another writer tells us, and "give fair
play even to the weakest."35

Thus, the United States has come to be thought "a kind of
paradise, a land of hope" by "the poor folk and oppressed of
other lands," for it is known "as the land where work brings its
best reward, the one region where Peace seems assured, the land
of Opportunity." Indeed, "the leaders of other countries," as well
as the poor and oppressed, are said to "turn to the United States.
They know it as a land of Power, able to help them in their
political troubles, yet not grasping at their rights. They seek
our young strength and energy to aid in solving the world-made
problems of government at home and trade abroad."36

In other ways than in protecting and aiding the weak and
defenseless, the United States is believed to have been "of service
to the Old World." Washington, Franklin, and Lincoln have
influenced the history of all peoples ; we have "performed a great
service for humankind by inviting immigrants to come to our
shores as long as there was plenty of good land" ; the American
"contribution to free government" is inestimable for we have been
a powerful advocate of democratic ideals the world over.37 Then
in the merely material, we have become "the granary of the
world," a country to which "men come .... from all lands
when they desire to borrow money." In other words, "we have

32 Guitteau, Our United States, pp. 632-33.

33 Home, op. cit., II, 444.

34 Halleck and Frantz, op. cit., p. 406.

35 Home, op. cit., II, 288; I, 2. M Ibid., p. 1.

"Halleck and Frantz, op. cit., pp. 408-13, 398-406; Gordy, op. cit., p. 419.

112 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

advanced from our former isolation to a position of leadership
in the world," in which "we have a great part to play."38

In American industrial life, there has been an astonishing
development, according to the textbooks. "America has become
one of the first workshops of the world," says Beard, in com-
menting upon the closely knit character of our business organiza-
tion.39 The United States is said also to be "the chief exporting
nation of great staples like foodstuffs and steel," whereas New
York has become "the money, banking, and credit center of the
world."43 From fourth in the production of manufactured goods
in 1860, the United States advanced during the thirty years fol-
lowing to first place, and now holds the rank of "the leading
manufacturing nation of the world."41

Such conditions have brought about "prosperity" to a degree
unknown to other nations.42 America has become "the richest
country in the world."43

Aiding the ingenuity, inventive skill, and energy said to be
characteristics of the American, have been the natural resources
of the country44 embraced in a territory larger than Western
and Central Europe.45 In about "sixty years" this vast area

38 Burnham, The Making of Our Country, pp. 597-98. See also Stephenson,
op. cit., pp. 382, 480; Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., p. 530; Evans, op. cit.,
p. 530.

39 Beard, History of the United States, p. 475. See also for attitude
toward capitalist class, Stephenson, op. cit., p. 501.

^Rugg, Pamphlets, II, 193. See also Guitteau, op. cit., pp. 554 if.;
Eggleston, First Book in American History, p. 197; Vollentine, op. cit.,
pp. 235-55.

"Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., p. 471.

42 Barnes, op. cit., p. 268. See also among others, Muzzey, op. cit., pp. 420,
464, 518; Fish, History of America, p. 24.

43 Mace and Bogardus, op. cit., p. 360. See also Thompson, History of the
People of the United States, p. 503; Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp.
468-70, 525.

44 Muzzey, op. cit., p. 22; Hart, New American History, p. 8; Forman,
Advanced American History, pp. 60-61; Gordy, op. cit., p. 550.

45 Rugg, op. cit., I, 11; Stephenson, op. cit., pp. 483-84; Halleck, op. cit.,
p. 528; Elson, op. cit., pp. 178-79.

THE AMERICAN 113

was transformed into "the richest industrial nation of the
world."46

Such conditions in a country naturally lured to our shores
many peoples. For is this not the "land of opportunity?"47
Burnham declares:

Nearly all the people who have come from Europe to America,
from its earliest history to the present time, came because they wanted
to be free, or because they wanted a better chance to make a living
than the Old World could give them. Some of them fled from the
tyranny of wicked kings; others came to win the right to worship
God in their own way; while many were driven out by the want and
poverty in the overcrowded lands of their old homes. America has
been the land of liberty and opportunity to one and all from the
earliest to the latest comer.48

All this opportunity, according to Home, in The Story of
Our American; People, seems to have been reserved for a chosen
people by Divine Providence.

The fact that our continent lay so long unused has seemed to
many earnest thinkers one of the world's most striking manifestations
of the Divine Purpose of God. They have believed that all this
wealth of field and forest and mines was held untouched until civili-
zation should grow worthy of it. America was to be a new rich heri-
tage for man, not to be revealed to him until he had learned how to
conserve it, how to govern both it and himself.49

Thus there came to inhabit the "promised land,"50 due to
"a Divine Purpose working out some mighty aim for America,"

46 Rugg, op. cit., II, 213, 290-91. Further references to the "prosperity"
of the United States might be added, including Hart, School History of the
United States, pp. 459-60; Beard, op. cit., p. 477; Halleck, op. cit., p. 368;
Elson, op. cit., p. 525; Guitteau, op. cit., pp. 642-44; Woodburn and Moran,
op. cit., p. 385.

47 Fish, op. cit., pp. 12, 26. See also McLaughlin, History of the American
Nation, p. 293; West, The Story of Our Country, pp. 422, 62; Long, op. cit.,
p. 523.

4S Burnham, Our Beginnings in Europe and America, pp. 4-5.

40 Home, op. cit., I, 6.

50Daffan, History of the United States, p. 1.

114 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

"some of its [Europe's] richest seed," destined to be the ances-
tors of "a new race, the 'Americans.' ' This chosen group some-
times contained

folk convicted as criminals; but laws have not always judged men as
God judges them, and the governments of those days were apt to be

harsh and narrow Men dwelt in ignorant terror of the law.

.... Some of the convicts sent here were indeed evil-minded rascals ;
but many were men we would have applauded for their so-called
crimes. Moreover, even the real criminal, on being exiled here, had
to develop a large strength of manhood — or he perished.51

For these unexcelled blessings, the pupil is urged to follow
in the footsteps of his forbears, to offer unquestioning obedience
to the law of the land, and to carry on the work begun.

If the children of America grow up truthful and pure and brave,
proud of their country, and loving God and theif fellow men, [de-
clares Estill] if they have the wisdom of Benjamin Franklin, the
patriotism of George Washington, the rugged honesty of Abraham
Lincoln, the devotion to duty of Robert E. Lee, and Woodrow Wilson's
love of freedom for all mankind — if they copy the virtues of their
fathers and avoid their faults, the future of our country will be even
greater and more glorious than the past.52

Our [United States'] future will be determined by the character
of our citizens [says Gordy]. We can make the coming years more
glorious than the past, if we hold to the ideals of those patriots who
have built up our great republic. We owe it much. From the very
beginning it has offered freedom of opportunity to all. In return, let
us give loyalty and willing support to its great democratic principles
and institutions.

The national flag, our own "Stars and Stripes," is the supreme
symbol of our republic and its wonderful achievement. Let us pledge
allegiance to this flag, and let it inspire us with love for our country
and with an abiding faith in its high destiny.53

The rendering of homage to the flag as the token of the unity
of forty-eight states is held the means of quickening the patriotic
pulse of the pupil. Therefore by law, it appears over the school-

51 Home, op. cit., pp. 7-11.

52 Estill, The Beginner's History of Our Country, p. 323.
"Gordy, op. cit., p. 550.

THE AMERICAN 115

houses of the land and its replica is found in the textbooks.
Doubtless, for this purpose the American Legion is said to have
sponsored a movement, in Kansas, placing in a million textbooks
published in that state and used in the state's schools in 1926
the picture of the national emblem.54

Just what this love for country really means the textbook
writers sometimes attempt to say.

Patriotism or love of country [Halleck declares] begins first with
an appreciation of the service rendered us in our own homes, and then

extends to our neighborhood, state, and country Patriotism is

more than saluting the flag. It is enlisting for life in active service
for our country. We may challenge any one to name a country in the
world that has done more for its citizens or given them a greater
chance for success. The flocking of millions of immigrants to the
United States bears witness to the greatness of its service, which it is
our patriotic duty to repay. George Washington, however, never ex-
cused himself from taking his part in the service of his country by
asking: "What has my country done for me?" His question was:
"What can I do for my country?" It is to such men that we owe our
national existence and welfare.55

According to Horne,

True patriotism consists in guiding our land, not in making empty
boasts of its perfection. Patriotism is not a blind acceptance of every-
thing about us, but a love for the Spirit which we believe our land
to represent. For us that Spirit is shrined in democracy's motto:
"Liberty, Equality, Fraternity." Liberty means command of the
self within us; Equality means justice to others; and Fraternity
means love for all.

To aid in establishing and maintaining these, true patriotism per-
forms its civic duties, even when these call for heavy sacrifice. It
obeys our country's laws, even when annoyed by them; and it insists
that others shall obey them also. It seeks to improve the future,
while holding joyously at heart a deep-felt pride in the past, a love
for every foot of our fair land.56

54 Daily lowan, August 21, 1926, Associated Press report.

55 Halleck, op. cit., pp. 531-32.

56 Horne, op. cit., II, 489.

116 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Pupils reading West's Story of Our Country will find the
authors' purpose in writing this history stated thus :

America, your America! In a few years you will have a share in
determining what this country shall be for the future. You should
know then, what it has been and how it has come to be what it now
is. You young Americans all like to salute the flag. That is well,
even if you have no better reason than that it is your flag. But it
is finer and better for you to love to salute it because you know with
a joyous pride that it stands for freedom, for law, for fair opportu-
nity in industry (and so for decent and happy homes), for goodwill
to the peoples of other lands. To help you understand how this Amer-
ica of ours has come to stand for these glorious principles is the
purpose of this book.57

All this tends to develop in the pupil that sense of nationality
which Long says is hard to define.58 In pointing out some of the
characteristics of nationality, he tells his readers :

American nationality means, among other things, that we have a
country to honor, to serve, to live for at all times or to die for, as
Nathan Hale died, if the stern call comes. It means that all our

states are one, and our people one If the flag that floats

over every public building should suddenly challenge the passing
multitude "Who goes?" the instant response would not be a thousand
different names but the single, myriad-tongued word "American."
That answer, proud and loyal, voices the spirit of nationality.

This unity of citizens outwardly different but inwardly alike is
the result of history, of the welding together of a people who face
problems, difficulties and dangers all together.59

The confession of this spirit of nationality is found in the
American's Creed reproduced in some of the histories :

I believe in the United States of America as a Government of the
people, by the people, for the people; whose just powers are derived
from the consent of the governed; a democracy in a republic; a
sovereign nation of many sovereign states; a perfect union, one and
inseparable; established upon those principles of freedom, equality,
justice, and humanity for which American patriots sacrificed their
lives and fortunes.

57 West, The Story of Our Country, p. xxvi.

"Long, op. cit., p. 273. ™ Ibid.

THE AMERICAN 117

I therefore believe it is my duty to my country to love it; to sup-
port its Constitution; to obey its laws; to respect its flag; and to
defend it against all enemies.60

Depicted as worthy of imitation and as of unexcelled loyalty
to country are many of the heroic characters common to the
history textbooks. Most of these heroes have been engaged
either in statecraft or in military exploits. It is safe to conclude
that contributors to the acts of peace are not only given far
less space in the textbooks than the groups mentioned, but often
the language used concerning their achievements is spiritless and
lacking in color. As an example of comparative space allotment,
Gordy's Stories of Later American History may be cited. War
heroes receive 3,227 lines, statesmen 1,160 lines, and those en-
gaged in enterprises of peace, such as philanthropists, scientists,
and inventors, 2,335 lines. Thus 4,387 out of a total of 6,722
lines are devoted to those whose interests were chiefly political
and military.61

In enumerating the characters whose names appear most often
in histories, one would naturally expect the name of Columbus,
"the one man who had faith and courage enough to cross the
Atlantic, and thus point the way to the New World."62

In the Colonial and Revolutionary periods, the reader finds
the names of John Adams, "a true patriot and statesman";63
Samuel Adams, "a tribune of the people" whose own fortune
dwindled in his espousal of the cause of the colonists,64 and who
did more than anyone else to arouse the love of liberty in his
colony.65 and Patrick Henry, whose "great gift" of oratory

60 Found in Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit., frontispiece; Home,
op. cit., II, 525.

61Gordy, Stories of Later American History (New York, 1923).

62 White, Beginner's History of the United States, p. 18.

6:i Elson, op. cit., p. 220.

84 Bourne and Benton, op. cit., p. 81.

"Gordy, Stories of Later American History, pp. 15-29; Mace, Primary
History of the United States, pp. 148-50, 151-52, 158; Forman, op. cit.,
pp. 110, 118; James and Sanford, American History, p. 150. These are
typical treatments.

118 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

was "used in helping to secure the freedom we now enjoy."66
The greatest amount of attention of all, as the reader might
expect, is devoted to Washington, "the beacon light" of the
Revolution, the one hero and patriot who could not have been
replaced.67 The contributions of his later life are in no less de-
gree discussed in the highest and most laudatory language. All
books read commend his services.

Of other military heroes of this early period there is men-
tion of the services of Ethan Allen,68 of Nathan Hale, whose
only regret was that he had but one life to lose for his country,69
of Herkimer, "the hero of Oriskany,"70 of Nathaniel Greene,
Morgan, Marion, Sumter, John Paul Jones, John Barry, Leger,
Israel Putnam, John Stark, and Anthony Wayne.71 Of course
the story of Paul Revere is not omitted, especially in the histories

66 Gordy, Stories of Later American History, pp. 1-13. See also Bourne
and Benton, op. cit., p. 68; Latane, A History of the United States, pp.
99-100, 124; Hart, New American History, pp. 129, 152-53; Muzzey, op. cit.,
p. 110; Mace, op. cit., pp 142^7.

67 Hart, New American History, p. 145. See also Burnham, The Making
of Our Country, pp. 153-54; Home, op. cit., II, 38; Elson, op. cit., pp. 137,
145, 208; Thompson, History of the People of the United States, pp. 164-65;
Fish, op. cit., pp. 117, 161; Forman, op. cit., p. 186; Fite, The United
States, p. 188; Halleck and Frantz, op. cit., pp. 389-92; Barnes, op. cit.,
pp. 225-26; Channing, Elements of United States History, pp. 151-52, 165-66,
148; West, The Story of Our Country, pp. 166-67; Woodburn and Moran,
op. cit., p. 136; Muzzey, op. cit., p. 130; Gordy, History of the United
States, p. 248; Gordy, Stories of Later American History, pp. 45-71; Beard
and Bagley, History of the American People, pp. 163-65; Bourne and
Benton, History of the United States, pp. 189-90; McLaughlin and Van
Tyne, A History of the United States for Schools, pp. 158-59; Fite, History
of the United States, p. 181; White, op. cit., pp. 176-77; Mace and Bogardus,
op. cit., p. 183; McLaughlin, op. cit., p. 164; Thwaites and Kendall, op. cit.,
p. 231, and others.

68 Home, op. cit., I, 348.

69 Gordy, Stories of Later American History. See also Robbins, op. cit.,
pp. 133-34; Guitteau, op. cit., p. 174; Mace, op. cit., pp. 176-77.

70 Mace, op. cit., pp. 195-97; Home, op. cit., I, 348, 396.

71 Mace, op. cit., pp. 194 ff.; Beard and Bagley, First Book in American
History, pp. 128 if.; Garner and Henson, op. cit., p. 200; Mace and Bogardus,
op. cit., pp. 136 ff.; Channing, op. cit., pp. 155-56, 165, 191-92; Hart, School
History of the United States, p. 137; Thompson, History of the People of the
United States, p. 154; Stephenson, op. cit., p. 190; Gordy, Stories of Later
American History, pp. 78 ff.; Guitteau, op. cit., pp. 192-93; McLaughlin,

THE AMERICAN 119

for elementary use, although it appears in some of the textbooks
for the high school.72

Benedict Arnold and Charles Lee are held up to the pupils
as examples of the basest and most dishonest of humankind.73
Their characters, as depicted, stand out in sharp contrast to
the heroic figures commonly met.

Of those other personages of these early days appearing fre-
quently upon the pages of the histories are Captain John Smith,
Roger Williams, William Penn, John Winthrop, Robert Morris,
Benjamin Franklin, Hamilton, Otis, Dickinson, Madison, and
Jefferson.74 In many cases groups of men engaged in a specific
task or bound together by some common tie receive the praise
often accorded individuals.75

op. cit., p. 170; McMaster, School History of the United States, pp. 148-4-9;
Thwaites and Kendall, op. cit., 186-87; Fite, History of the United States,
pp. 146 if.; Forman, op. cit., p. 145; Gordy, History of the United States,
pp. 142 ff.; Mace, School History of the United States, pp. 185-86; Tappan,
American Hero Stories, pp. 151-58, 179 if.

"Daffan, op. cit.; Tappan, op. cit., pp. 143-51; Hart, New American
History, p. 135; Muzzey, op. cit., p. 103. See part of the study devoted to
England.

"Barnes, Short American History for Grades, p. 60; Woodburn and
Moran, op. cit., p. 154; Elson, op. cit., pp. 164-65; Fite, History of the
United States, p. 150; Hart, New American History, p. 147; Barnes,
American History for Grammar Grades, p. 218; Fite, The United States,
pp. 164^65.

74 Hart, New American History, p. 45; Eggleston, First Book in Amer-
ican History, pp. 29, 130 ff.; Stephenson, op. cit., pp. 80-82; Muzzey, op. cit.,
pp. 43-44, 54; Forman, op. cit., pp. 223, 41, 54, 177; Bourne and Benton,
History of the United States, pp. 163-64; Elson, op. cit., pp. 253-55, 271-72,
197, 268; Leonard and Jacobs, The Nation's History, pp. 166, 201-2; Beard,
op. cit., pp. 145-46; Latane, op. cit., p. 120; Channing, op. cit., pp. 50-51,
205-6; Channing, A Students' History of the United States, p. 61; Coe,
Founders of Our Country; Halleck and Frantz, op. cit., p. 388; Mace and
Bogardus, op. cit., pp. 178-79, 187-88; Garner and Henson, op. cit., p. 250;
Barnes, op. cit., p. 247; Thompson, First Book in United States History,
p. 244; Hart, School History of the United States, pp. 190-91; Halleck,
op. cit., pp. 244-45; Home, op. cit., II, 58, 44; Evans, op. cit., pp. 248-51;
Gordy, Stories of Later American History; Woodburn and Moran, op. cit.,
p. 173.

75 Such as the signers of the Declaration of Independence or a group of
people like the Pilgrims and Puritans.

120 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Following the Colonial and Revolutionary periods and pass-
ing into that of nationality, aside from those mentioned in the
preceding list, one meets frequently the names of Boone, Lewis
and Clark, James Robertson, Sam Houston, and John C. Fre-
mont, those pioneers of expansion, some of whom carried on their
activities in the periods first treated.76 J. Q. Adams, Monroe,
John Marshall, Jackson, Clay, Webster, and Calhoun are given
considerable attention in the period before the fifties, Jackson
undoubtedly receiving the greatest amount of space. The heroes
of the War of 1812 and those of the Mexican War are men-
tioned elsewhere in this study. Garrison, Douglas, John Brown,
Davis, and Seward, besides the presidents, are accorded attention
in most histories. Lincoln and the military heroes of the Civil
War, particularly Grant and Lee, are found appearing most
often in the period of the Civil War. In our more recent his-
tory, Dewey and Pershing are outstanding military heroes, where-
as, among civilian leaders of various interests, there is an oc-
casional mention of Edison, John Hay, Elihu Root, and Gifford
Pinchot. Roosevelt and Wilson, Cleveland and McKinley are the
outstanding presidents so far as attention in the textbooks is
concerned. Other persons, of course, are mentioned, but not by
all histories. Nor are these persons named the only significant
personages. They are those whose contributions receive the most
space or the most eulogy, taking, in the mass, the histories re-
viewed. Men whose work has been that of the chief executive
are mentioned in all books.

The qualities most often held worthy of emulation are those
of service to country, either by defending it in time of war or
by offering some constructive idea as to the settlement of diffi-
culties, the formulation of political concepts into a political
faith for the people, and unusual leadership in statecraft. Wash-
ington may typify the first; Wilson, the second; Jefferson, the
third; and Roosevelt, the fourth.

Assuming that the heroic characters most frequently intro-
duced into the great majority of histories are those held to have

76 See, for example, Gordy, Stories of Later American History; Fish,
op. cit.; Daffan, op. cit.; Mace, Primary History of the United States.

THE AMERICAN 121

made the highest contribution to the country's history, pupils
can readily gather that the greatest patriots are the military
forces of the country and the leaders of political thought and
action. This same point of view can be gained from a passage
such as the following, taken from a textbook for the grades
which assures readers that "loyalty and cheerful willingness to
serve one's country is the duty of all who are within the limits
of military age."77

An assertion such as this, abetted by the use of colorful and
eulogistic adjectives describing the exploits and achievements of
heroic characters set in this frame, can easily establish definite
concepts. Although some of our histories speak of war as "a
cruel thing at best"78 and urge the settlement of differences
between nations by peaceful means,79 yet other books are at times
advocates of preparedness, declaring that lack of it prolongs
a war.80 West, for example, points out that "the cost of war is
measured first of all in human lives ; then in money and property
destroyed. The bitterest cost cannot be measured. It is paid in
the bad habits formed during long years in camp and barracks
and on the battlefield and in the spirit of fear and vengeance
which follows war."81

On the other hand, according to Stephenson,

We study the wars in which our country has been engaged, first,
because the courage and self-sacrifice of our ancestors serve to in-

77 Barnes, Short American History, p. 372.

78 Evans, op. cit., p. 405. See also Barnes, American History for Gram-
mar Grades, p. 172; Thompson, First Book in United States History, p. 399.

79 Ibid. See also Halleck, op. cit., p. 269; Elson, op. cit., p. 289; Barnes,
Short American History for Grades, p. 328; Stephenson, op. cit., pp. 422-23;
Garner and Henson, op. cit., p. 461; Thwaites and Kendall, op. cit., p. 552;
Gordy, History of the United States, pp. 420 ff. ; Mace and Bogardus, op. cit.,
p. 384; Guitteau, op. cit., pp. 543-44; Thompson, History of the People of the
United States, p. 419.

80 Thwaites and Kendall, op. cit., p. 578; Fish, op. cit., p. 475; Guitteau,
op. cit., p. 485; Long, op. cit., p. 438; Burnham, The Making of Our
Country, pp. 243, 248; Home, op. cit., II, 86, 88, 96, 371; Muzzey, op. cit.,
p. 434; Channing, A Students' History of the United States, p. 562; West,
History of the American People, p. 636; O'Hara, A History of the United
States, p. 225; Bourne and Benton, American History, p. 610.

81 West, The Story of Our Country, p. 395. The italics are in the original.

122 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

spire us with a like devotion to duty, even, if need be, to the laying
down of our lives; and second, because they are precious lessons
in how to defend ourselves.82

It has been mentioned elsewhere in this study that from a
reading of the textbooks a child would gather the impression of
the invincibility of the American forces in all struggles in which
they have been engaged, and that a pupil could readily conclude
from his study that the American soldier and sailor are not only
more valorous but more generous than their foes. This impres-
sion is easily gained when adjectives, commonly used in connection
with wars, as well as other forms of speech, are considered. Ad-
jectives such as glorious, brave, brilliant, strong, unconquerable,
notable, and imperishable are frequently employed. Such state-
ments as the following, taken at random from two histories, are
cited merely to show how the phraseology of discussions is such
as to inspire reverence in the pupils for the warlike undertakings
of the United States :

Next came the order to the Marine Brigade to capture Belleau
Wood; and in the fight that followed, American marines proved them-
selves the equal of the British at Ypres, of the Canadians at Mons,
of the French themselves at Verdun .... the German defenders
outnumbered our men by at least three or four to one. But the ma-
rines never faltered (Guitteau, Our United States, p. 603).

A few American vessels [in War of 1812], too weak to meet the
enemy, were hidden in a sheltered harbor protected by land batteries.
Suddenly appeared Oliver Perry, a young naval officer, with orders
quickly to build enough ships to beat the British. His timber was
then growing on the shore. He had asked for that job, had even
sought it eagerly, because it is a tradition of the American navy to
challenge the impossible.

With incredible energy Perry built a squadron, launched it, and
gave battle at Put-in-Bay. The British had six ships mounting 63
guns, the Americans nine with a total of 54 guns. A terrific fight
it was, abounding in heroic incidents; the end was told in Perry's
dispatch "We have met the enemy and they are ours, — two ships,
two brigs, one schooner, one sloop." That is the only squadron that
in the whole history of the British navy ever surrendered (Long,
America, p. 264).

82 Stephenson, op. cit., p. 176. See p. 28, where this is previously quoted.

THE AMERICAN 123

Recently this point of view was attacked by a member of the
United States army, Lieutenant Colonel Thomas J. Dickson, at
the annual convention of the Military Order of the World War.
Colonel Dickson at that time issued a Critique on American
School Histories, in which he criticized fifty-two American school
textbooks for "serious errors of omission and commission," and
declared that "some of these school histories are ridiculous,
absurd and stupid !"8 According to Colonel Dickson, "unless
our histories are immediately corrected, our pretensions, unwit-
ting or otherwise, doom us to become the laughing stock of the
world and endanger the peace of the nation."8 He holds this
to be true because of an unfortunate use of military terms by
persons lacking knowledge of their correct use, because of in-
accurate statements regarding military events in the World War,
because of the omission of certain significant military maneuvers,
and because of false impressions as to the unvarying success of
American forces.

In regard to this last point, Colonel Dickson quotes as fol-
lows from Mace and Bogardus' History of the United States:

There (San Mihiel) 500,000 Americans met the best troops Ger-
many had, captured 16,000 and went smashing through their lines.
, . . . Over a million men in khaki fought like heroes for over a
month. They drove the Germans reeling back toward the Rhine.85

Colonel Dickson exclaims:

"Reeling back toward the Rhine !" The Germans contested every
foot of ground from the Vauquois Mountain to Sedan. They made a
masterful retreat. If the period of "reeling" covers time from turn
of the tide to Armistice; they killed 44,000 American soldiers during
this time. For weeks, while moving on Sedan, our battle deaths aver-
aged 1,000 soldiers a day. Our soldiers did not wear khaki. We drove
the enemy back; captured their trenches, but did not go "smashing
through their lines."86

83 Thomas J. Dickson, Critique on American School Histories, New York;
(Military Order of the World War, 1926). "Authors are advised not to
attempt to use this critique in correcting school histories" is* a statement
on the first page of the pamphlet.

84 Ibid., p. 1.

85 Ibid., p. 8. See Mace and Bogardus, op. cit., pp. 477-78. M Ibid.

124 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

From another textbook he quotes the following:

The fighting at Belleau Wood, Chateau Thierry and in the
Argonne Forest demonstrated that the American soldier with six
months of training is more than a match for the German veteran.
Lack of training on the part of our troops was overcome in large
measure by native ingenuity, courage and skill.

To this, Colonel Dickson says:

Steady Clio! "By pride angels have fallen ere thy time." Q.E.D.
Ideas like these when believed by children make work for the Graves
Registration Service. As a veteran of three wars I have seen the
flower of America fade three times and enough money spent to pave
with concrete every road in the United States. Same old story. Un-
prepared !87

Of the school histories analyzed for this study, Colonel Dick-
son criticizes Thompson's History of the People of the United
States, Woodburn and Moran's Elementary American History
and Government, Estill's Beginner's History of Our Country,
Gordy's History of the United States, Daffan's History of the
United States, Long's America, Hall, Smither, and Ousley's A
History of the United States, Home's The Story of Our Ameri-
can People, Forman's Advanced American History, Fish's His-
tory of America, Mace and Bogardus' History of the United
States, Bourne and Benton's American History, Halleck's His-
tory of Our Country, Guitteau's Our United States, Burnham's
The Making of Our Country, and Fite's History of the United
States.

But each nation engages in self-praise and asserts its su-
periority to other peoples in all lines of endeavor. Above all,
the United States, like other nations, ascribes peaceful inclina-
tions to itself and denies any militaristic tendency.88 "Always
a peace-loving nation," declare Garner and Henson, "the United

87 Ibid., p. 10. The quotation is from Guitteau, op. cit., pp. 595-96.

88 See Jonathan French Scott, The Menace of Nationalism in Education
(New York, 1926). This is a study of a few textbooks in European
countries.

THE AMERICAN 125

States has not imitated the European powers by keeping a large
standing army or requiring compulsory military service."89

So far as a feeling of superiority over other peoples is con-
cerned, the Baker-Thorndike Seventh Reader explains it in this
way:

Every country is inclined to look with pride on its own especial
achievements and often to think of them as greater than they really
are. We Americans have been called boastful; and it must be ad-
mitted that, in our satisfaction with what we have done, we have
often overlooked the big deeds of other nations. Still, it may easily
be shown that we have played a big part in developing the civiliza-
tion of our own time. Our representative system is the oldest in the
world, and, no country has more safety, more freedom, more opportu-
nities for its people. We have won the good will of other nations by
fair and generous dealing with them. Our sense of the nation's
honor does not lie in settling our heels on the necks of other people;

we think it more honorable to treat them fairly We have

grown rich, but we have been generous with our wealth In

operations that require courage, energy and big planning, America
has a fine record 9

Just what the reactions are to such narratives possibly can-
not be measured to any accurate degree. However, to determine
the meaning of such abstractions as patriotism and loyalty to
children, the following questions were asked of 1,125 children
ranging from the seventh grade through the senior year of high
school: "What is patriotism?" "How can you show your loyalty
to your country?" "Have you, through a study of history,
gained a liking or a dislike for any country?"

The questions were asked children in schools of the states of
Pennsylvania and Iowa, commonwealths of distinctly different
interests. The average age of the seventh grade was twelve years ;
of the eighth, thirteen years ; of the ninth, fourteen years ; of the

89 Garner and Henson, op. cit., p. 631. See also Mace and Bogardus,
op. cit., p. 475; Guitteau, op. cit., pp. 571-72; West, The Story of Our
Country, p. 472; Thompson, History of the People of the United States,
pp. 502-3.

90 This citation properly falls in the section devoted to readers, but is
used here to illustrate the point raised.

126 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

tenth, fifteen years ; of the eleventh, sixteen years, and of the
twelfth, seventeen years.

Since patriotism and loyalty seemed synonymous to the pupils,
the first question is not considered to any extent. The answers
fall into these general categories: Defense of country or service
to one's country in time of war and honoring the flag, obedience
to the law, voting, celebrating national holidays, and honoring
"patriotic" men and officials, and paying taxes. In addition,
many answers of an individualistic nature came, such as "keeping
healthy," "serving on the jury," "being loyal to one's fellowmen,"
"objecting to the formation of secret organizations seeking to
destroy the government," "not speaking against your own gov-
ernment," and "making others respect the United States." De-
fense of country and service to one's homeland, obedience to the
law, and voting appear the most often, with "honoring officials"
and "paying taxes" following.

Defense of country, since it is found most often, is made to
represent 100 per cent. The comparative percentages will show
how other "duties" are rated in the minds of the 1,125 children.

PER CENT

Defense of country 100

Obedience to law 79

Voting 12

Honoring officials 6

Paying taxes 4

In other words, defense of country appears approximately
nine times more than the duty to exercise the suffrage, and
twenty-five more times than paying taxes. Those holding "obedi-
ence to law" the first attribute of loyalty to country are not far
behind the number believing defense of country and honor owed
to the country's flag the sine qua non of patriotism.

It may not be inappropriate to repeat what one senior in one
of the better schools of Iowa holds to be patriotism :

Patriotism is a great thing. It means much to us. If you are
loyal you are really in a way patriotic to your country. Loyalty and
patriotism are very close relatives. One cannot very well live without
the other. Respect your flag and all legal holidays. It may be that

THE AMERICAN 127

many people do not fully realize the significance of the Armistice.
The world was at war, and then it became more peaceful. The nations
were put at rest. Just think of the lives that were sacrificed for us.
We should honor our soldier boys and sailors and marines. Think
what they did for us; the hardships they went through. On any
Patriotic Holiday just stop and think who and what has been sacri-
ficed for us.

Other answers such as the following are typical:
"One can show there [sic] love or loyalty to there [sic], country
by respecting the laws or the constitution, by raising [sic] when the
national anthem is being sung, by being ready to go to war if at any
time they may be called. Always having in mind the good one can
do in time of war — both men and women."91

"Patriotism is the manner in which you support your country by
abiding with its laws and always being ready to preserve, protect
and defend it. Patriotism even goes so far as to be ready to die
loyally [sic] for your country."92

The influences of the World War still are present if one
judge by the answer of a Pennsylvania girl of sixteen, who says:
"You can show your loyalty to your country by helping it in
time of need. This does not mean that you must take arms and
fight, but does mean that you support the government and the
army. This could easily be done in the World War by securing
liberty loans."

In the replies received to the question as to whether they had
gained a liking or a dislike for any country through historical
study, the pupils expressed themselves, in a few cases, as not
believing that their animosities had been engendered by instruc-
tion in this subject. Some pointed out that history should teach
that "there is good in every nation," five pupils writing that his-
tory should aid pupils "to see both sides to a national or in-
ternational question." One child declared that "history fosters
a love of your own country," another expressing the same thought
held, however, that "love of one's native land is natural" — a belief
with which few would quarrel. One boy pointed out that "there

91 Written by a Pennsylvania girl, seventeen years old, junior in high
school.

92 Written by a Pennsylvania boy, fifteen years of age, in the tenth grade.

128 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

is good in every nation," and one girl indicated her attitude to-
ward Germany thus :

Through my study of history I have to a certain extent overcome
a hatred for Germany. By studying history and in this manner
learning Germany's side of the question it has reconciled me to a
certain extent to think that Germany is not as black as she was
painted by the nations engaged in the World War. I realize that
she was greety [sic] but all nations have their good and bad points
and we must look up to her for her splendid organization [sic]
and training.93

Yet most of the pupils expressed an admiration for, or a
hostility toward, different countries. Austria received no favor-
able comments, whereas Belgium stands in sharp contrast to the
hostility expressed toward Austria characterized as "one of the
countries which made the World War." Approximately the same
number liked England as those who did not, the reasons for ap-
proval arising from the fact that she has "good type of citi-
zens," "great statesmen," and is "the mother country of Amer-
ica." Those stating their dislike for England, when giving rea-
sons, asserted that she "wanted to stop American growth," that
she is a "selfish" and "overbearing" nation, and "grasps at some-
thing not belonging to them," that she is "unwilling to give the
United States credit for her part in the World War," and be-
cause of "her treatment of the thirteen colonies."

Over eight times as many students avowed their liking and
admiration for France as those confessing an unfriendly atti-
tude. In the latter case the feeling arose, when a reason was
given, from a "hatred of Napoleon" and because France had been
"intolerant" in religious matters. On the other hand, France is
liked because the French are "a peaceful, courageous, patriotic
people," because "they helped the United States when in danger,"
because they have fine architecture and an appreciation of the
arts, and because they "like the United States."

Germany presents about the same ratio as France, only in

reverse order. As one might expect, dislike for Germany has been

engendered by the fact that she "brought about the World War,"

93 Written by a girl, a junior in high school in Pennsylvania, age seventeen.

THE AMERICAN 129

because of her "treatment of Belgium," "her cruelty to women
and children," because she is "against world peace," because she
"killed American Buddies," because "she is not trustworthy," and
because she is "a shelter of barbarism." The students expressing
an admiration for Germany, when stating their reasons, declared
that the German people were not responsible for all the govern-
ment did, for "the people were under a tyranny," and that, in
some cases, our "dislikes are based on unsound suspicions." Ad-
miration was also expressed for Germany's ability at organiza-
tion.

Few pupils expressed a liking or admiration for Mexico, Rus-
sia, or Turkey. Holland, Switzerland, South America, arid Can-
ada are generally "liked," in the last two cases commercial con-
tacts being mentioned as desirable. Spain, Japan, China, Greece,
and Italy are held about equal, so far as preferences or expres-
sions of disapproval are concerned. In a few cases, "liking" was
mentioned for the countries of Holland, Norway and Sweden,
Poland, and Ireland.

A liking for their own country was attested to by many be-
cause there is "more freedom here" than elsewhere; there are
"better morals in this country" ; we have a "better government,"
"better schools," and "better churches"; because of "the battles
fought and won" ; because "we help other countries" ; because
of "the honesty and truth of the United States in the World
War" ; because we are a "peaceful" people, and "always have
done the right thing" ; "the best country of all" ; and because
"America started so small and grew so large and great." Only
four pupils out of the entire number confessed that the United
States "has carried on some enterprises which we can't be proud
of." One other pupil objected to the attitude during Washing-
ton's administration taken toward France in "a time of need."
A few others suggested indirectly that all nations are subject to
changes in policy, and that the United States may not be immune
from this immutable law.

In summarizing the attitudes which may be acquired from
reading the history textbooks and which are obviously generally

130 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

subscribed to, the following quotation is given as setting forth a
commonly accepted fact.

Every American feels a just pride in the achievement of our coun-
try. Beginning with a little straggling group of states along the
Atlantic seaboard, we have pushed on step by step conquering and
civilizing the wilderness as we went until we reached our ocean
boundaries on the west, and then reached out to the islands of the
sea. From a little weak federation of states we have built up a strong
nation of united section [s] bound together by common interests, com-
mon ideals and a common patriotism. Finally, we have developed
into one of the foremost powers of the world. We have made a nation
of many races, and these have been blended together into one type,
the vigorous, aggressive, resourceful American. The very corner-
stone of American liberty and government is a belief in the rule of
the people, and with the growth of territory has gone the spread and

development of democracy Our political ideals we have passed

on to other nations, and we have fought a war to make the world
safe for the democracy which we have created and to aid the oppressed

peoples of the earth

To this end [a continuation of American principles] we [the
authors of the textbook] appeal to the courageous patriotism of the
student readers of this history soon to come into responsible citizen-
ship, and upon them we invoke the guidance and blessing of the God
of our fathers.

I love thine inland seas,

Thy groves and giant trees,
Thy rolling plains;

Thy rivers mighty sweep,

Thy mystic canons deep,

Thy mountains wild and steep,
All thy domains.

Thy silver eastern strands,
Thy Golden Gate that stands

Afront the west;
Thy flowery Southland fair,
Thy sweet and crystal air —
O Land beyond compare,

I love thee best.94
04 Hall, Smither, and Ousley, op. cit., pp. 524-25.

CHAPTER XIII

INTERNATIONAL ATTITUDES IN SOME EUROPEAN
HISTORY TEXTBOOKS

Not only do textbooks in American history contain statements
which will form opinions as to the achievements of different na-
tions and peoples, but textbooks in European history carry in-
formation of a similar nature.

To determine the general characterizations found in European
histories, four books were selected for analysis : Hayes and Moon's
Modern History, West's World Progress, Elson's Modern Times
and the Living Past, and McNeal's Modern Europe and Its Be-
ginnings. The last book was chosen because it has but recently
come from the press, the others are found frequently in approved
lists. Discussions relating to events beginning approximately with
the eighteenth century and continuing to the present form the
basis of comparisons. Obviously most of the material deals with
European conditions and events, not much attention being di-
rected toward affairs purely American. To be comprehensive,
the part of the study dealing with this aspect of the subject
doubtless should have included more books, but it is hoped that
the histories selected contain typical material representing the
most recent points of view.

There is little criticism of American policy as it relates to our
dealings with other nations, the authors usually leaving the im-
pression that American achievements and American intercourse
with other powers are praiseworthy. West, in World Progress,
however, essays to question the American attitude in the War
of 1812, and ventures to criticize American politics in 1920,
the latter being quite colorless.1

Austria, on the whole, is not described in a way to inculcate
in the pupil a favorable attitude toward that country. It is

1West, World Progress, pp. 441, 661.

131

132 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

made a country addicted to repressive measures, a country lack-
ing in democratic ideals, and the home of the autocratic and
merciless Metternich. In 1756, it is said for example, that "Aus-
tria began a war of revenge."2 The reader of Elson is informed:

The Italian rebellion against tyranny began in Sicily and Naples
in January, 1848, even before the revolution in France. The im-
becile tyrant on the throne was quickly frightened into granting a
constitution. Then came the news of the revolt in France and the
flight of the hated Metternich from Vienna. Instantly the whole
Italian peninsula was aflame with revolution. Venice and Lombardy
expelled the Austrian garrisons and declared for independence. Their
oppression had been galling. Austrian spies and secret police were
everywhere. Political discussion was forbidden. There was a tax
on every bakery and every market. Venice and Lombardy constituted
but one eighth of the population of the Austrian Empire, but paid
one fourth of the taxes. Calling on the rest of Italy for help, they

were joined by Charles Albert, king of Sardinia It was a

great national uprising for liberty. Everything seemed to promise a
steady release from Austrian tyranny

The report that Metternich had fallen caused a wave of rejoicing
over Germany, for the Germans also were the victims of his heavy
hand 3

Metternich and the Austrians are pictured by Hayes and
Moon also as exemplars of autocracy. In speaking of the Quad-
ruple Alliance, they assert that "the world was to be made safe
for autocracy and Austria. There was to be peace without lib-
erty."* In the treaties of 1815, both Austria and Prussia are
described by McNeal as opposed to popular movements for lib-
eral government as well as to nationalist impulses among the
German and Italian peoples.5 Adjectives such as "repressive,"
as applied to Austria's measures, tend to give the same impres-
sion.6 Her ambitions for an expansion of territory are set forth
in discussions such as those relating to the Balkan countries.7

•Ibid., p. 398.

3 Elson, Modern Times and the Living Past, pp. 542-43.

4 Hayes and Moon, Modern History, p. 435.

5 McNeal, Modern Europe and Its Beginnings, p. 293.
8 Ibid., p. 297. JIbid., p. 345.

INTERNATIONAL ATTITUDES 133

It is a commonplace that Austria is made to share no small re-
sponsibility for the World War.8

Germany fares scarcely better than Austria. Such terms as
"Prussianizing" and "Prussianization" carry significant connota-
tions. "Die Wacht am Rhein" and "Deutschland iiber Alles" still
bring to the readers' mind much of the World War propaganda.9
Militarism and Bismarckian methods do not fail of attention,
nor is Prussia cleared of charges of perfidy and unfounded claims
to territory.10 And surely there can be no doubt in the pupil's
mind, after a perusal of textbooks in history, as to Germany's
guilt in the World War.11

Hayes and Moon, however, in their discussion declare:

Because the diplomatic negotiations leading to the war had been
conducted in secrecy, no one at the beginning knew for certain who
were the guilty nations. The Germans and Austrians blamed Russia
and England. The Allies blamed the German Emperor. As a rule,
the common people in each country were willing to believe that their
own government was innocent and their enemies guilty. Later on
many of the facts were revealed and the evidence showed that the
Austrian Government, with German consent, deliberately planned to
crush Serbia; but it still remained doubtful whether they desired to
start a war among the Great Powers. It was also shown that some of
the Russian military leaders did their best to bring about the war.
The whole truth is not yet known and probably will not be known
for many years to come.12

Yet as a foe to world-peace, Germany is shown as holding an
"implacable opposition" due to her militarism.13 Her methods
of carrying on war likewise receive denunciation, poisonous gas,
for example, being described as "a devilish device," and the use
of the submarine as a token of "German frightfulness."14 As

slbid., p. 391. Other textbooks would hold the same point of view.

9 Ibid., pp. 295, 296.

10McNeal, op. cit., pp. 309, 310; West, op. cit., pp. 451, 504, 566, 567;
Elson, op. cit., pp. 554, 575, 649; Hayes and Moon, op. cit., pp. 204, 205, 211,
480, 538, 542, 547.

"Elson, op. cit., p. 650; McNeal, op. cit., p. 391; West, op. cit., p. 629.

12 Hayes and Moon, op. cit., p. 717. "West, op. cit., pp. 619, 626, 629.
id., pp. 633, 636; McNeal, op. cit., p. 398; Elson, op. cit., pp. 673, 675.

CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

for the traditional treatment of the violation of Belgium's neu-
trality, there is still evidence of its popularity among textbook
writers.15

France, moreover, is not so consistently apotheosized as in
American histories, for Napoleon is given considerable attention,
and his methods are not more favorably dealt with than are those
of Metternich and Bismarck.16 Yet the picture drawn of France's
activities from the eighteenth century to the present is not so
gory as that of her neighbor at the east, and the reader is told
that "French culture and French civilization have remained to
our own day the standards of culture and civilization of Europe,
even of the world."17

In regard to Russia, there is little to commend to the pupils
reading these textbooks, unless a feeling of sympathy kindled for
the lower classes can do so. A "barbarous, brutal despotism,"1
backward in cultural progress and in industry,19 czarist Russia is
left accused of "tyranny,"20 of being devoid of liberalism,21 and
of ambitious designs on territory not legally hers.22 Russia's in-
fluence in causing a World War in 1914 is noted by McNeal and
Hayes and Moon. Bolshevist Russia is described as having a
government resting upon "confiscation, terror and dictatorship
of the lower classes," brought about by "violence and bloodshed,
and the disorganization of industry and decline in production."2

Turkey fares no better, for the "unspeakable Turk" is char-
acterized as "fanatical," "cruel and oppressive."24 His "reduc-
tion to impotence," according to Elson, "must be pronounced
"one of the most gratifying results of the World War."25

"Elson, op. cit., p. 653; West, op. cit., p. 629; Hayes and Moon, op. cit.,
pp. 716, 722; McNeal, op. cit., p. 395.

"Elson, op. cit., pp. 484, 485; West, op. cit., p. 449; McNeal, op. cit.,
p. 245.

"Hayes and Moon, op. cit., p. 465.

18 Ibid., p. 180. 21West, op. cit., p. 589.

™Ibid., pp. 178, 179. "McNeal, op. cit., p. 345.

20 Elson, op. cit., p. 459. 23 Ibid., p. 417.

24 McNeal, op. cit., p. 349; West, op. cit., p. 568; Elson, op. cit., pp. 619,
621; Hayes and Moon, op. cit., pp. 554, 676.

25 Elson, op. cit., p. 719.

INTERNATIONAL ATTITUDES 135

England is not accorded the place of archtraitor to demo-
cratic principles which she appears to hold in some American
histories. Rather she is described as that exponent of democracy
who successfully opposed Napoleon,26 and who came "to be re-
garded all over the civilized world as the most liberal and pro-
gressive of nations."27 Yet she is pictured as doing her "utmost
to stamp out Irish nationalism,"28 although her colonial govern-
ment is generally conceded wise in conduct and of benefit to her
colonists.29 Attributes of kindness and generosity to smaller na-
tions30 stand in contrast to those qualities which are ascribed
by writers to her in her imperialistic adventures.31 As the ally
of the United States in the World War, her "superb navy" and
"heroic army"32 struggled with American forces in the "war for
democracy." Naturally the events chronicled in these textbooks
take on a different color for the American school pupil than
those discussed in United States histories, for they are often
remote from his experience. Events in American histories involv-
ing Anglo-American contacts naturally touch, for the most part,
upon incidents close to American patriotic sentiment and involve
matters of a controversial nature in which the United States has
been a participant.

26 West, op. cit., p. 449.

27 Hayes and Moon, op. cit., pp. 264, 266; Elson, op. cit., p. 518.

28 Hayes and Moon, op. cit., p. 638.

29 Elson, op. cit., pp. 429, 593, 600; West, op. cit., p. 537.

30 Ibid., p. 568. 31Ibid., p. 608. 32 Ibid., p. 632.

PART II

TEXTBOOKS IN CIVICS, IN SOCIOLOGY, IN ECONOMIC
AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS

CHAPTER XIV
THE AMERICAN CITIZEN: HIS RIGHTS AND DUTIES

The American of today is conscious that his natal heritage
includes certain well-known and prescribed political ideas through
which a form of government has been evolved that offers to him
protection of life, liberty, and property. Within this conscious-
ness he also holds the instruction of his tender years which taught
him an avalanche of responsibilities and duties as a fair return
for the protection given. Not only do history textbooks teach
this, but even more so do books on government. The whole sub-
ject of government in the schools is charged with the duties and
responsibilities of citizenship.

"A citizen," declare Woodburn and Moran, "is a member of
the nation who owes the nation allegiance and is entitled to its
protection."1 Citizenship as held by Americans therefore "im-
plies membership in a nation," according to Williamson. "A
citizen owes allegiance to his government, and in return is en-
titled to the fundamental advantages of organized government,
such as the protection of life, liberty and property at home and
abroad."2 Yet "citizenship does not consist merely of boasting
or receiving benefits ; it calls for accepting responsibility and for

service to one's fellow men It not only brings privileges,

but carries obligations," says Hughes.3

In the fulfilment of these obligations, Williamson avers,

much depends upon the extent to which each of us assumes the re-
sponsibilities of citizenship. Those who have gone before us con-
quered a wilderness, expanded and preserved the Union. But it is
not for us complacently to accept the result. Much has been done,

1 Woodburn and Moran, The Citizen and the Republic, p. 1.

2 Williamson, Problems in American Democracy, p. 341. See also Ziegler
and Jacquette, Our Community, p. 19.

3 Hughes, New Community Civics, pp. 269, 281. See also Gettell, The
Constitution of the United States, p. 76.

139

140 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

but more remains to be done Without a high sense of per-
sonal responsibility, coupled with an intelligent and consistent effort,
we can never reach the high goal admittedly possible.4

In order to attain "the high goal" desired, pupils are admon-
ished to "study their own government that they may be as well
informed as the children of foreign nations," that they may know
"its strength .... to support it, and that they should know
its weakness that they may be able to strengthen it," in order
that "it may continue to be the greatest government in the
world."5

"It is the duty of every good citizen to know his country's
history, to honor its flag, and to be true to its ideals," declare
Munro and Ozanne.6 "The citizen who does not know his coun-
try's past cannot properly understand its present nor can he
properly contribute to its future."7

The boon and virtues of citizenship are, therefore, envisaged
for the boy and girl as the highest possible attainment. "Citizen-
ship," say Jenks and Smith, "is the highest and greatest gift
of the nation."8 It is "one dignity to which every boy and girl
is born, and which remains a life-long possession." The "greatest
thing that any man can say is, that he is a citizen of the United
States."9

The blessings of citizenship in the United States have been
brought about, according to the textbooks, through organized
government, whose purpose is "to promote the interests of each
by promoting the interests of all."1 ' In other words, "govern-
ment .... is our agent"11 in the advancement of "the safety and
happiness of the people."12 Furthermore, government, it is said,
is not a voluntary organization, but it has grown out of the

4 Williamson, op. cit., p. 40.

6 Brooks, Our Dual Government, pp. 17-18.

8 Munro and Ozanne, Social Civics, p. 83. See also Guitteau, Preparing
for Citizenship, p. 229.

7 Munro, Current Problems in Citizenship, p. 72.

8 Jenks and Smith, We and Our Government, p. 77.

9 Guitteau, op. cit., p. 13.

10 Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 70.

11 Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 18. 12 Munro, op. cit., p. 50.

THE AMERICAN CITIZEN 141

necessities of everyday life and brings all within its scope under
its control.13 Its purpose is primarily protecting "the whole body
of its people against external aggression, against foreign in-
vasion," as well as "maintaining the rights and liberties of its
citizens," not only from foreign interference but from "injustice
at the hands of one another."14 This is accomplished, authors
say, by laws "which define the relations of individuals to one an-
other, and of one group of individuals to other groups."15 The
purpose of laws then, is "to bring about fair play for all, to keep
people from doing things that interfere with the rights of oth-
ers."16 although such restraint may mean restrictions upon the
freedom of individuals.17

Back of the laws, under which we carry on our customary
and daily tasks, is the Constitution of the United States, the
pupil is told. And this is the fundamental law of the land, the
"most precious document to which Americans are heirs."18 It
is our "greatest charter of liberty." "Indeed, it might be called
a charter of liberty for the world" is the opinion of Davis and
McClure, who hold this view because "practically all civilized
nations have adopted representative government modeled after

"Lapp, Our America, pp. 10, 38.

14Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., pp. 70-71. See also Long, Government and
the People, pp. 2-3; Binford and Graff, The Young American Citizen, p. 28;
Turkington, Community Civics, pp. 76-78; Finch, Everyday Civics, pp. 45-46;
Hepner, The Good Citizen, p. 22; Hughes, op. cit., pp. 83-84; Magmder,
American Government in 1923, p. 1; Levis, Citizenship, p. 425; Ziegler and
Jacquette, op. cit., p. 40; Davis and McClure, Our Government, pp. 1-2, 240;
Beard, American Citizenship, p. 5; Morgan, Living and Working Together,
p. 155; Brooks, op. cit., pp. 35-37; Dunn, Community Civics for City Schools,
pp. 41-48; Hughes, Text-Book in Citizenship, pp. 519, 527.

15 Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 71.

16 Levis, op. cit., p. 359. See also Ziegler and Jacquette, op. cit., p. 60;
Dunn, op. cit., p. 49.

17 Reed, Loyal Citizenship, p. 4 ; Lansing and Jones, Government in State
and Nation, p. 3; Guitteau, op. cit., p. 42; Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 17;
Turkington, My Country, pp. 193, 195-96; Hepner, op. cit., pp. 24-25; Hughes,
Text-Book in Citizenship, p. 582; Levis, op. cit., p. 119; Ames and Eldred,
Community Civics, pp. 154-55, 232.

18 Hayes, American Democracy, p. 89. See also Berry and Howe, Actual
Democracy, p. 38.

142 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

the American or English plan."19 Even statesmen of other coun-
tries have accorded it high praise, Gladstone being quoted as
saying that "the American Constitution is the most wonderful
work ever struck off at any one time by the mind and purpose
of man," and Bryce having said that "it ranks above every other
written constitution for the intrinsic excellence of its scheme ;
its adaptation to the circumstances of the people ; the simplicity,
brevity, and precision of its language; its judicious mixture of
definition in principle with elasticity in details."2 Indeed, as
"the oldest written constitution or complete instrument of gov-
ernment in actual use,9'21 its excellence is seen in that "it works
as well as ever today (although written in 1787), in what is
truly a new world."22

The ideals expressed in the Constitution and insured thereby
for the American people are those of freedom of speech, press,
assembly, and petition, according to the textbooks. In addition
to these rights are the privilege of trial by jury, no excessive
bail, no excessive fines, no cruel punishments, no bill of attainder,
no ex post facto law, the writ of habeas corpus, a speedy and
public trial for accused persons; the provision that no person
is twice in jeopardy for the same offense, and that homes are
free from search and seizure except by a legal process, the same
process being necessary for arrest, and the right of property.23

19 Davis and McClure, op. cit., pp. 57, 67.

20 Finch, op. cit., p. 199; Ames and Eldred, op. cit., p. 349.

21 Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 51. Italics in the original. See also Beard,
op. cit., p. 37.

22 Rexford and Carson, TJie Constitution of Our Country, pp. 1, 3-4.

23Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp. 389-96. See also Ames and Eldred,
op. cit., p. 66; Forman, The American Democracy, pp. 86-89, 244-46; Lapp,
op. cit., pp. 44-45; Hepner, op. cit., pp. 70-72; Munro, op. cit., p. 70; Lansing
and Jones, op. cit., pp. 6-7; Rexford and Carson, op. cit., pp. 4-6; Hughes,
Economic Civics, p. 326; Magruder, op. cit., pp. 206-13; Beard, op. cit., pp.
35-36, 64-76, 54-58; Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., pp. 581-82; Dunn, op. cit.,
pp. 391-93; Reed, op. cit., pp. 25, 66-68, 139; Berry and Howe, op. cit.,
p. 47; Greenan and Meredith, Everyday Problems of American Democracy,
pp. 85, 10; Levis, op. cit., pp. 433-36; Gettell, op. cit., p. 60; Bennion,

THE AMERICAN CITIZEN 143

These rights, held fundamental to American liberty by the
founders of the Constitution, are said to be the ideals upon which
our government is based. In the polity of the American people,
moreover, it is held are the "ideas of natural rights, popular
sovereignty, right of resistance against tyranny, individual lib-
erty, representative government and separation of powers."24
The Declaration of Independence, emphasizing the equality of
all people, is believed by Woodburn and Moran to have re-created
substantially the same ideals, many of which had been bequeathed
to the colonists through English political documents such as the
Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, and the Petition of Right.25

One of the most significant of the political contributions made
by the Declaration of Independence, according to authors of
government textbooks, is the belief in the consent of the gov-
erned, a belief that no government should carry on its functions
without the sanction of the people.26 In connection with the pro-
nouncement of a faith in the ability of the people to govern
themselves as announced by the colonial fathers, there is mention
in some of the textbooks also of the theory of natural rights
and of social contract.27

Several authors indicate the significance in American politi-
cal theory of such documents as the Mayflower Compact and
papers of the era of the Revolution, in building the foundation
of later American political development. The Mayflower Com-

Citizenship, pp. 63-66; Ziegler and Jacquette, op. cit., pp. 51, 64; Hayes,
op. cit., pp. 305-9; Morgan, op. cit., pp. 192, 34-35; Ashley, The New Civics,
pp. 12-13, 134-38; Southworth, The Common Sense of the Constitution of
the United States, pp. 91-93; Berry and Howe, op. cit., p. 63.

24 Gettell, op. cit., p. 60.

26 Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp. 386-88 ; Reed, op. cit., p. 9 ; Munro,
op. cit., pp. 62-69; Finch, op. cit., pp. 184-86; Munro and Ozanne, op. cit.,
p. 323; Greenan and Meredith, op. cit., p. 3; Dunn, op. cit., p. 50; Lansing
and Jones, op. cit., p. 31; Mavity, Responsible Citizenship, pp. 4-6; Lapp,
op. cit., p. 156.

26 Hayes, op. cit., p. 86; Munro, op. cit., p. 48, and others.

27 Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., pp. 63-66; Munro, op. cit., pp. 61-62; Dole,
The New American Citizen, pp. 123-24; Berry and Howe, op. cit., p. 32;
Williamson, op. cit., p. 342; Greenan and Meredith, op. cit., p. 3.

144 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

pact, according to Berry and Howe, affords "the first instance
of a movement toward responsible self-government originating
in America. It did not provide a form of government, but only
pledged its signers to obey the government"28 Under the Com-
pact, it is pointed out, was organized "a civil body politick,"29
designed to "our better ordering and preservation," through
"just and equal laws" for "the general good."30

Thus, "We the people," as expressed in the preamble of the
Constitution, is said to be the keynote of our democratic sys-
tem and to attest the evolution through which government has
passed from early English attempts at establishing the people's
rights to the Constitutional Convention.31

A justification for investing the people with the power of
governing themselves, according to Munro and Ozanne, "is that
it insures, not necessarily the best government, or even good
government; but the sort of government the people earn for
themselves." In short, "it will reflect the intelligence, honesty,
and patriotism of the governed."32 Yet by some authors democ-
racy is not considered "suitable" to all peoples, for not all peo-
ples have advanced to a high plane of civilization.33 But the
United States presents an example where self-government has
been successful because of its federal and republican character.34

Since the ultimate success of government is spiritual, text-

2S Berry and Howe, op. cit., p. 15. See also ibid., pp. 15, 24, for mention
of other documents.

29 Hill, Community Life and Civic Problems, p. 433.

30 Rexford and Carson, op. cit., pp. 6-7.

31Ziegler and Jacquette, op. cit., pp. 16-17, 20, 180; Rexford and Carson,
op. cit., frontispiece, also p. 63; Lansing and Jones, op. cit., p. 55; Greenan
and Meredith, op. cit., p. 3; Levis, op. cit., pp. 426-27, 428, 369-70; Finch,
op. cit., pp. 160-62; Hughes, Text-Book in Citizenship, pp. 17, 695, 708-9;
Reed, op. cit., pp. 70-71; Dunn, op. cit., pp. 435-37.

33 Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 70.

33 Greenan and Meredith, op. cit., pp. 3-4, 474-77, 5-67; Munro and
Ozanne, op. cit., p. 70; Hughes, Economic Civics, p. 41.

34 Forman, op. cit., pp. 4-6; Beard, op. cit., p. 83; Hart, Social Life and
Institutions, pp. 19-20, 253; Hughes, New Community Civics, pp. 157-58,
168; Mavity, op. cit., pp. 56-57; Hepner, op. cit., p. 295; Ames and Eldred,
op. cit., p. 349.

THE AMERICAN CITIZEN 145

books pay considerable attention to the necessity of an enlight-
ened electorate, for "a sound education and a patriotic spirit
are the twin foundations of good citizenship," government being
"no better or no worse than the men and women who are respon-
sible for it."35 Thus "the essence of democracy is government
by public opinion," and "the kind of work the government un-
dertakes and the way in which it does its work depend, in the
ordinary course of events almost entirely upon public opinion;
that is, upon what people think about political matters."3

Therefore, it is shown to be necessary for the intelligent and
educated voter to exercise the suffrage in order to insure the
welfare of this country, for "the vote is the most powerful thing
in a republic, because the voters choose the men who govern
us."37 This method of selecting officials is deemed the best meth-

35 Gettell, op. cit., p. 84. See also Davis and McClure, op. cit., pp. 188,
196-98; Munro, op. cit., p. 426; Ames and Eldred, op. cit., p. 36; Long,
op. cit., pp. 255-56; Hill, op. cit., p. 53; Jenks and Smith, op. cit., pp. 120,
215; Ashley, op. cit., p. 269; Morgan, op. cit., p. 11; Dunn, op. cit., p. 131;
Forman, op. cit., p. 371; Brooks, op. cit., p. 156; Hughes, Text-Book in
Citizenship, pp. 34-35, 53, 124; Ziegler and Jacquette, op. cit., pp. 55-64;
Gettell, op. cit., pp. 3-4; Williamson, op. cit., pp. 255-256; Greenan and
Meredith, op. cit., p. 63; Hughes, Economic Civics, p. 168; Munro and
Ozanne, op. cit., pp. 492-93; Hepner, op. cit., pp. 68-69; Lapp, op. cit., pp.
5T-59, 92-93; Mavity, o<p. cit., p. 175; Guitteau, op. cit., pp. 58 if.; Brooks,
op. cit., p. 158; Turkington, Community Civics, p. 271; Finch, op. cit., p. 30.

36 Beard, op. cit., pp. 37, 43, 287-88. See also Mavity, op. cit., p. 268;
Ashley, op. cit., p. 63; Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp. 24-25; Williamson,
op. cit., p. 399; Burch and Patterson, Problems of American Democracy,
p. 87; Hill, op. cit., pp. 453, 19-22; Davis and McClure, op. cit., p. 190;
Forman, op. cit., pp. 235-36; Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 117.

37 Bryant, / Am an American, p. 18. See also Hughes, New Community
Civics, pp. 88, 187; Morehouse and Graham, American Problems, pp. 367,
522; Forman, First Lessons in Civics, p. 50; Guitteau, op. cit., pp. 19-20,
27-28, 39; Garner, Government in the United States, p. 390; Hughes, Eco-
nomic Civics, pp. 54-55, 318, 321; Jenks and Smith, We and Our Government,
pp. 118, 105, 100-101; Hepner, op. cit., pp. 319, 321; Cabot, A Course in
Citizenship, pp. 206-8; Beard, op. cit., p. 7; Binford and Graff, op. cit.,
pp. 57-59; Finch, op. cit., pp. 200, 301; Greenan and Meredith, op. cit., pp.
10-11, 77; Ziegler and Jacquette, op. cit., pp. 21, 159; Forman, The American
Democracy, pp. 11-12; Shepherd, The Boy's Own Book of Politics, p. 23;
Munro, op. cit., p. 73; Williamson, op. cit., pp. 373-74; Ames and Eldred,
op. cit., pp. 251-52, 338; Turkington, Community Civics, pp. 162 ff.; Mavity,

146 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

od ever devised for choosing a governing body. In contrast,
writers point out the hardships and disadvantages entailed in a
method of revolution or force by which some South American
countries are said to have named their officials.38

In turn, when officials are chosen to public office they have
been honored with "a public trust," pupils are told. "The proffer
of its opportunities to any man or woman is a high compliment.
Election to public office is the highest honor a democratic com-
munity can bestow," declare Munro and Ozanne.39 And it is the
duty of these officials to discharge their duties faithfully and
well.

It is held highly important, too, that they be men of ability
and honor.40 "Political bosses are bad,"41 yet Americans are said
to have "easy habits of mind," so that frequently men looked
upon "as decent, law-abiding, intelligent citizens" condone vote-
buying and bribe-giving.42 To our officials, however, there should
be a loyalty, declare some of the authors.43 Furthermore, the
pupil is advised to prepare for officeholding, since that as well
as voting is a duty.44 By those authors discussing it, civil serv-
ice is considered as most desirable in comparison with the "spoils
system."45

op. cit., pp. 66-67; Reed, op. cit., p. 68; Lapp, op. cit., p. 185; Dole, op. cit.,
pp. 80-81, 95-96, 160; Levis, op. cit., pp. 432, 428; Burch and Patterson,
op. cit., p. 87; Gettell, op. cit., p. 135; Hayes, op. cit., pp. 309-11; Woodburn
and Moran, op. cit., p. 12.

38 Shepherd, op. cit., pp. 10-11.

39 Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 90.

40 Turkington, Community Civics, p. 94. See also Forman, First Lessons
in Civics, p. 124; Levis, op. cit., pp. 363, 422; Jenks and Smith, op. cit., pp.
125, 103; Rexford and Carson, op. cit., p. 41; Brooks, op. cit., p. 19; Forman,
The American Democracy, pp. 21-22; Hughes, New Community Civics, p.
202; Williamson, op. cit., p. 365; Lapp, op. cit., p. 186; Hughes, Text-Book
in Citizenship, pp. 605-6; Reed, op. cit., pp. 76, 95; Guitteau, op. cit.,
pp. 54-55; Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 117.

41 Shepard, op. cit., p. 14.

42 Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp. 15-16, 25; Guitteau, op. cit., p. 27.
"Hughes, Economic Civics, pp. 52-53; Cabot, op. cit., pp. 164-65.

44 Shepard, op. cit., p. 112. Guitteau, op. cit., pp. 20-21.

45 Guitteau, op. cit., pp. 112-13, 186-87; Mavity, op. cit., pp. 317, 356.

THE AMERICAN CITIZEN 147

As the main officers are selected, however, through the vote
of the citizen, it is held desirable that political party affiliation
be carefully considered. When people vote for candidates on
their merits, it is believed party leaders are forced to choose the
best men for office and thereby better government is assured.46
By some writers, party loyalty is adjudged a good thing,47
others holding that "loyalty to the interests of one's country is
an infinitely better thing."48 On the whole, however, it may be said
that authors are agreed as to the "necessity" of political par-
ties. "The plain citizen in order to have much weight in the con-
duct of government .... must combine with others whose views
he shares more or less completely," says Beard. "That is, he
must join a political party when he has made up his mind about
the things which the government ought to do or ought not to
do,"49 for "political parties are institutions for getting the pub-
lic opinion of the majority written into law."5 Through them
majority opinion is expressed.51 Yet the need of restraint in
the exercise of majority power is touched upon as well, for it
is pointed out that the minority possess rights which should be
respected.52 Forman asserts that either group is not fixed, for,
"the minority may become the majority" in good time.53 It is

48 Finch, op. cit., pp. 292-93.

47 Reed, op. cit., p. 83; Dole, op. cit., p. 167.

48 Forman, The American Democracy, p. 74. See also Hughes, New Com-
munity Civics, p. 189; Forman, First Lessons in Civics, p. 182; Greenan and
Meredith, op. cit., p. 28; Williamson, op. cit., p. 361; Woodburn and Moran,
op. cit., pp. 53, 20-22; Hill, op. cit., pp. 506, 525; Hughes, Text-Book in
Citizenship, pp. 549-65.

49 Beard, op. cit., pp. 149-50. See also Hughes, Text-Book in Citizenship,
pp. 546-47; Hill, op. cit., p. 506; Dunn, op. cit., p. 441; Davis and McClure,
op. cit., p. 91; Ashley, op. cit., p. 115; Shepherd, op. cit., pp. 8, 33; Hayes,
op. cit., p. 137; Gettell, op. cit., p. 129; Greenan and Meredith, op. cit.,
pp. 32-33; Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., pp. 145, 155; Finch, op. cit., p. 293;
Hughes, Economic Civics, pp. 72-73.

50Burch and Patterson, op. cit., pp. 88-89.
51 Ziegler and Jacquette, op. cit., p. 142.

62 Berry and Howe, op. cit., p. 5; Munro, op. cit., pp. 54-55; Dole, op. cit.,
p. 190.

63 Forman, The American Democracy, p. 5. See also Ames and Eldred,
op. cit., pp. 338-39.

148 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

held, however, that "a true American always respects law and
order and is willing to abide by the will of the majority as it
expresses itself through our form of government."5

Yet "the Constitution of the United States and the state
constitutions have so limited the powers of our law-making bod-
ies that abuse of power by the majority has been rendered diffi-
cult," declare Ames and Eldred.55 The significant point in the
textbooks is that majority rule is supposed to represent the
people's will. In other words, it is the rule of the people in
which there is afforded protection to the minority through a
separation of powers.56

To this will expressed through legislative acts, it is the duty
of people to acquiesce, textbooks say. "The first duty of a citi-
zen is to obey the laws of his country. Without obedience to
the law there can be no such thing as good government," de-
clares Forman. The same sentiment is expressed by many other
authors.57

Besides the exercise of the suffrage, officeholding, and obedi-
ence to law, the pupils are urged to consider the necessity of
serving on the jury, the payment of taxes, and service to the
country in time of war.

"The citizen's duty as a juryman while not so frequent or con-
stant is sometimes more important than his duty as a voter,"

64 Finch, op. cit., p. 296. See also Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 101.

55 Ames and Eldred, op. cit., p. 339.

50 Beard, op. cit., pp. 85-86. Majority rule is discussed also in Hayes,
op. cit., p. 11; Dunn, op. cit., p. 440; Morgan, op. cit., p. 32; Dole, op. cit.,
pp. 184, 72, 69; Bryant, op. cit., p. 20; Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 89.

07 Forman, First Lessons in Civics, p. 56; also pp. 26-28, 15-16; Guitteau,
op. cit., pp. 42-43; Dawson, Organized Self-Government, p. 12; Hughes,
Economic Civics, pp. 47, 51; Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 42; Ames and
Eldred, op. cit., p. 19-20; Bailey, What To Do for Uncle Sam, p. 180;
Bryant, op. cit., p. 14; Binford and Graff, op. cit., p. 138; Cabot, op. cit.,
pp. 160-61; Brooks, op. cit., pp. 158-59; Dunn, op. cit., pp. 57-58; Morgan,
op. cit., p. 30; Forman, The American Democracy, pp. 237-38; Rexford and
Carson, op. cit., p. 92; Ashley, op. cit., pp. 15-17; Ames and Eldred, op. cit.,
pp. 13, 8-9; Ziegler and Jacquette, op. cit., p. 10; Greenan and Meredith,
op. cit., pp. 251-52; Levis, op. cit., p. 408; Munro, op. cit., p. 52; Munro
and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 71; Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 89; Garner, op. cit.,
p. 390.

THE AMERICAN CITIZEN 149

assert Woodburn and Moran.58 According to Levis, "The jury
system is one of the foundations of our liberty, and its value
largely depends on the honest, intelligent and willing service of
all good citizens."59

For the protection afforded by the government, citizens should
perform the duty of paying taxes, the reader of textbooks is
told. Although it is conceded that "it is not easy to lay taxes
justly,"60 yet they are "bills rendered for services that are being,
or will be, performed for the community."6 The payment of
taxes is, therefore, adjudged "a patriotic duty."6

"A most serious duty of the citizen to his government is to
defend it against its enemies," declares Forman. Then he goes
on to point out to his juvenile readers that sometime they may
be called upon "to take up arms and fight" for their country.
"If such a time should come, you should not flinch," he says,
"but should go forth bravely to the battle field, prepared to lay
down your life, if necessary."63 Indeed, "if government shields
me from injury I ought to be ready to take up arms in its de-
fense" should be the attitude of all, it is declared.64

So far as the duties of citizenship are concerned, a quotation

58 Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp. 22-23. See also Greenan and Mere-
dith, op. cit., p. 94; Guitteau, op. cit., p. 20; Ziegler and Jacquette, op. cit.,
p. 177; Mavity, op. cit., p. 135.

59 Levis, op. cit., p. 422.

00 Forman, First Lessons in Civics, p. 61.

61 Levis, op. cit., p. 363.

6- Davis and McClure, op. cit., p. 184. See also Reed, op. cit., p. 225;
Finch, op. cit., p. 90; Hughes, Economic Civics, pp. 38, 56-58; Burch and
Patterson, op. cit., p. 86; Forman, First Lessons in Civics, p. 64; Guitteau,
op. cit., pp. 18-19, 136-38; Turkington, My Country, pp. 188, 226, 231; Ames
and Eldred, op. cit., p. 341; Hughes, Community Civics, p. 144; Morehouse
and Graham, op. cit., p. 328; Ziegler and Jacquette, op. cit., pp. 198-99;
Dunn, op. cit., p. 421; Southworth, op. cit., p. 25.

83 Forman, First Lessons in Civics, pp. 57-58.

64 Forman, The American Democracy, pp. 89, 83. See also Lansing and
Jones, op. cit., p. 96; Reed, op. cit., p. 72; Guitteau, op. cit., p. 19; Ziegler
and Jacquette, op. cit., p. 177; Burch and Patterson, op. cit., pp. 85-86;
Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp. 23-24; Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., pp.
83-84.

150 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

from Gettell's The Constitution of the United States will set
forth those commonly accepted:

The duties of a citizen have been stated by a recent author as
follows: "To know his country's history and to be proud of it; to
understand his own government and to know it; to know the laws
and obey them; to be respectful of all duly constituted authority;
to be loyal' in action, word and thought, to look upon the privilege
of suffrage as a sacred thing and to use it as becometh a sovereign
prerogative; to bear his portions of the common burdens cheerfully;
to serve public office at personal sacrifice and to regard it as a public
trust; to fight and die if need be in the nation's cause — these are the
first obligations which a free government imposes on its citizens.
Citizens are liable to military services and to pay taxes."6

^Gettell, op. cit., pp. 83-84.

CHAPTER XV
THE AMERICAN AND OTHER PEOPLES

THE PROBLEM OF IMMIGRATION

The relations of the United States with the peoples of other
countries are discussed, in general, under the topics of immigra-
tion, American foreign policy, wars, and diplomatic engage-
ments. Far less space is devoted to these subjects in books deal-
ing with government, social and economic problems than in his-
tory textbooks.

As in the histories, immigration before the Civil War is gen-
erally described as bringing to this country a more desirable
class of people than that following 1880. The contributions of
various peoples to the development of the United States receive
attention, as do the characteristics of the peoples who have not
served in so beneficial a manner.

It has always been the policy of this country to welcome to our
shores the honest men and women of other lands who wish to come
here [says Guitteau], and our country's wonderful development would
have been impossible without the brain and muscle of the millions of
immigrants who have turned to America as the land of opportunity.1

Indeed, through the contributions of immigrants, American
art, music, invention, and the learned professions are said to
have been enriched to a considerable degree.2 "The mingling of
many races into one people has given the nation vigor and versa-
tility" as well as "that alert and progressive spirit" which is be-
lieved one of "our most valued characteristics." Besides giving
"strength to democratic ideals,"3 immigrants have contributed
in no small way to American economic advancement in that they
have frequently furnished a large supply of cheap labor.4

1 Guitteau, Preparing for Citizenship, p. 205.

2Gettell, The Constitution of the United States, pp. 120-26.

3Munro and Ozanne, Social Civics, pp. 326-27.

*Gettell, op. cit., pp. 120-26. See also Burch and Patterson, Problems of
American Democracy, pp. 157-58, 169; Wood burn and Moran, The Citizen

151

152 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Yet in spite of the benefits derived from their coming to Amer-
ica, immigrants are charged with keeping down wages and with
causing unemployment, with producing slum districts and sweat-
shops, and with widening the gulf between capital and labor.
Nay, more, through their "radical and revolutionary ideas" our
political system is believed to be menaced and machine politics
to be encouraged. Likewise, foreigners are said to furnish a
high percentage of the criminal population, illiterates, and de-
pendents on society, while a tendency to segregation and isola-
tion is advanced against them.5

But all faults in American life do not lie with the foreigner,
some textbooks assert, for Americans are not always courteous
and "sometimes assume a very superior air toward recent ar-
rivals."6 Certainly during the World War, according to Dunn,
the loyalty of the immigrant was unquestioned.7

In discussions attending official policies, restrictive measures
and regulation of immigration are explained by some authors
as due to the fact that "the government wants people who come
here to become good citizens," and that those excluded would
probably not become such.8 While the writer of one book in-
dorsed a qualitative selection of those desiring to enter the Unit-
ed States on the basis of intelligence, education, and physical
well-being regardless of the section of the world from which they
come,9 another holds restriction necessary, not only to exclude
diseased and criminal classes, but to keep out paupers, anarchists,

and the Republic, pp. 72-73; Hughes, Text-Book in Citizenship, p. 104;
Munro, Current Problems in Citizenship, pp. 25-26; Greenan and Meredith,
Everyday Problems of American Democracy, pp. 14-16; Reed, Loyal Citizen-
ship, p. 189; Forman, The American Democracy, p. 324.

5 See references in preceding footnote. Also Burch and Patterson, op. cit.,
pp. 171-72; Ashley, The New Civics, pp. 48-49; Hill, Community Life and
Civic Problems, pp. 150-52, 162-66; Hughes, Economic Civics, p. 173; Berry
and Howe, Actual Democracy, pp. 167-68.

6 Greenan and Meredith, op. cit., p. 18; Hughes, Text-Book in Citizenship,
p. 103.

7 Dunn, Community Civics for City Schools, pp. 80-81.

8 Ames and Eldred, Community Civics, pp. 142-43.

9 Munro, op. cit., p. 28.

THE AMERICAN AND OTHER PEOPLES 153

convicts, and other undesirable persons from European coun-
tries using the United States as "a dumping ground."10

In order to unify all diverse elements in the structure of Ameri-
can citizenship, several textbook authors advocate that all peo-
ple be made to speak the English language since, according to
one writer, "something very dangerous to freedom can happen
if all Americans do not speak and use English." As a case in
point, this author declares that in 1918 the very great number
of Germans in this country who did not speak English led the
German government to prepare "to conquer America." For did
not the German government know "that people could more easily
be made untrue to America if they knew no English"? With
this in mind, the pupil is told how the German government had
sent "clever men here, to start German newspapers, to publish
German books and to get votes so that German should be taught
in the primary schools in towns where many Germans lived," and
how "some of these people became a real secret army for the
Kaiser, against the country they called their own."11 With
such a picture of possible but averted disaster in 1918, the pupil
is urged now to protect and cherish the English language as the
only safe method of communication.12

THE ENGLISH

"English immigrants have been of two widely-differing class-
es," according to Berry and Howe. "One, well-educated, pro-
fessional and commercial men and skilled artisans, brings con-
siderable money and contributes a worthy element to our popu-
lation; the other is a lower type and has been a burden rather
than otherwise." Jenks and Smith ascribe to the English the
quality of tenacity of purpose, exemplified in Nelson at Trafal-
gar.13

"Guitteau, op. cit., p. 205.

"Bryant, I Am an American, pp. 83-88. See also Turkington, My
Country, pp. 46, 52.

32 Ibid.

1 :i Berry and Howe, op. cit., p. 160 ; Jenks and Smith, We and Our
Government, p. 22.

154 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

The chief references to our relations with England, however,
deal with the Colonial and Revolutionary periods. On the whole,
the treatment is far less hostile than in histories, and, in gen-
eral, relates to the political legacy bequeathed English colonists.
It is pointed out that American ideals are English in origin,
that American leaders such as Washington, John Hancock, and
Samuel Adams were of English blood, and that "the character
of the English is still in the character of the Americans."14 Fur-
thermore, considerable stress is laid upon the fact that our gov-
ernmental forms are inherited from Great Britain, that the
Magna Charta, Petition of Right, and Bill of Rights laid the
foundation of American political documents.15 The principal
rights and privileges assured Americans are called English in
origin, and as the child of England have been absorbed and adopt-
ed by America.16

So far as the Revolutionary War and the War of 1812 are
concerned, the discussions would not tend to cultivate strong
enmities in pupils by a reading of the textbooks. As in the his-
tories, however, some writers place the blame of the uprising of
1776 upon King George III,17 and it is made the result of a
"violation of rights and liberties of Englishmen, inherited by and
guaranteed to the colonists."18 According to Hayes, " 'It was the
unquenchable determination on the part of the colonies to man-
age their own affairs.' America was bound to be free."19

Munro makes the cause of the Revolution economic rather
than political, and declares that the colonists revolted, not be-
cause they wanted "to elect their own governors or to secure

"Bryant, op. cit., pp. 45-46.

15 See p. 23. Hayes, American Democracy, pp. 13, 77-78; Morgan, Living
and Working Together, pp. 171-74, 188, 193; Lansing and Jones, Government in
State and Nation, pp. 19-20; Berry and Howe, op. cit., chap. II; Hughes,
Economic Civics, p. 43; Southworth, The Common Sense of the Constitution,
p. X; Rexford and Carson, The Constitution of Our Country, pp. 4-6.

"Berry and Howe, op. cit., pp. 14-16, 20-21; Davis and McClure, Our
Government, pp. 139-41; Gettell, op. cit., pp. 71-73.

"Finch, Everyday Civics, p. 162; Hepner, The Good Citizen, p. 71;
Morgan, Living and Working Together, pp. 174-75.

18 Lansing and Jones, op. cit., p. 25. 19 Hayes, op. cit., p. 65.

THE AMERICAN AND OTHER PEOPLES 155

manhood suffrage," but because they "detested the restrictions
that were being placed on their trade and industry."20 Mavity,
on the other hand, says, "The American Revolution was made
necessary by the fact that the Americans were without repre-
sentation in the British Parliament."21

Berry and Howe, however, summarize the Revolution thus:

The conflict then begun was not as we see it now; the desperate
unanimous rising of an oppressed continent driven to rebel by un-
bridled and unbearable tyranny, as patriotic historians following the

lead of Revolutionary orators long pictured it It was the

translation into arms of thoughts and interests long tending con-
sciously and unconsciously to rupture "

They still further point out that it was a struggle for English
rights, quoting an Englishman as saying: "Englishmen now un-
derstand that in the American Revolution you were fighting our
battles."22

The few authors who include in their books discussions re-
lating to the War of 1812 show that both France and England
were violating American neutrality, but that England "stirred
up the greatest amount of popular resentment,"23 and that the
war was waged at heavy cost but with no conclusive results.24

Several textbooks attempt a comparison of the government
of Great Britain with that of the United States, particularly as
to the degree of democracy possible under the two forms. Accord-
ing to Hayes,

The assertion is often made that the government of England is
more sensitive to the will of the people than is the government of the
United States, but when we realize the contrast between the social
life in America and that in England, where class is strongly marked ;
when we remember that a hereditary House of Lords is one branch
of the British government; when we consider that in the conduct of

20 Munro, op. cit., p. 38.

21 Mavity, Responsible Citizenship, p. 243.

22 Berry and Howe, op. cit., pp. 26, 28. These authors quote Abbott.

23 Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 598. See also Burch and Patterson,
op. cit., p. 104.

24 Gettell, op. cit., p. 149.

156 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

foreign affairs the English people have nothing to say, we may fairly
conclude that the assertion is not true.25

Another writer points out that "England today has a king
that she loves, but he has no power to harm the people," and
that the divisions of official functions are similar to ours,26 while
still another writer concludes that "in many respects the govern-
ment of Great Britain today is as democratic as ours."27

In emphasizing the common ties and interests of the English-
speaking peoples, in some cases authors go so far as to urge an
alliance or at least an entente cordiale between England and
America as a step which would be mutually advantageous. They
declare :

Great Britain is an American power, with more territory in the
Western World than has the United States itself. Great Britain
helped to originate the Monroe Doctrine in 1823; she has since
generously recognized it in restraint of her own aggrandizement,
while her navy, together with that of America, has been the main
defense against European encroachments.

Britain and America are territorial neighbors with an unfortified
frontier boundary line of 3,000 miles between them, the English
speaking peoples of America and Canada have lived side by side in
an unbroken peace for more than one hundred years. In the Great
War they fought together to save themselves and the world against
an autocratic, war-making military power which would override the
Monroe Doctrine to extend its dominions in America as soon as its
interests prompted and its powers permitted.28

THE FRENCH

"French immigration," say Berry and Howe, "has never been
very large, but has been very desirable, as the French are char-
acterized by intelligence, education, and thrift."2

Not only do we think of education, intelligence, and thrift as
qualities of the French, but there is also brought to our minds,

25 Hayes, op. cit., p. 49.

-6 Turkington, op. cit., pp. 297-98.

27 Mavity, op. cit., p. 9. See also Hughes, Economic Civics, p. 43.

28 Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp. 370-71.

29 Berry and Howe, op. cit., p. 160.

\
THE AMERICAN AND OTHER PEOPLES 157

according to another textbook, the spirit which expressed itself
"in those immortal words at the Battle of Verdun : 'They shall
not pass !' "30

Indeed, within the pattern of Franco-American relations are
woven only the designs of gratitude and friendship. "It is doubt-
ful whether we could have won our independence from Great
Britain had it not been for the help of our ally France" is the
opinion of Greenan and Meredith.31

When we think of the service Lafayette did us, we must also
think of the Americans who went to serve his country in her hour
of need [says Bryant]. When the freedom of France was attacked by
Germany in 1914, many young American men did not wait for Amer-
ica to join the war. They went to war at their own expense, and said
to the French government, as Lafayette had said, "We will serve as
volunteers without pay."32

TH£ GERMANS

There is little in the textbooks of social, political, and eco-
nomic problems to cultivate an admiration and liking for Ger-
many. In some cases, where German immigration to this country
is discussed, the Germans are described as "thrifty and industri-
ous," easily assimilable, although tending to settle in communi-
ties of their own, and as having made a real contribution to the
American commonwealth.33 As in histories, the chief emphasis in
Germanic- American relations, however, is centered upon the
World War, in which authors treating the subject carol a lay
of hate. It is the opinion of Woodburn and Moran that:

The Great War revealed the nation in Europe against whose
hostility and spirit of conquest America needs to be on her guard.
The imperial and military rulers of Prussia, with their purpose of
obtaining "a place in the sun," have looked, not only to Asia and
Africa, but to South America for commercial and colonial enlarge-

30Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 22.

31 Greenan and Meredith, op. cit., p. 189.

32 Bryant, op. cit., pp. 41-42.

33 Berry and Howe, op. cit., pp. 160-61 ; Burch and Patterson, op. cit.,
pp. 159-60; Munro, op. cit., p. 24; Burch, American Economic Life, p. 135.

158 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

ment. The Monroe Doctrine has been an obstacle in their path. Ger-
man hostility to that doctrine is well known.34

As proof of Germany's greediness, as well as evidence of per-
fidy and cruelty, the story of the invasion of Belgium is chron-
icled for the young readers. In this "she was doing what no na-
tion, however great and powerful, has a right to do even in time
of war," declares Turkington. "Even George the Third had
more excuse for sending an army to America in 1776 than Ger-
many had for invading Belgium and France."35

The use of the submarine by Germany is pictured vividly by
Bryant in I Am an American. Excerpts from this book, designed
for elementary-school use, will illustrate the extent to which some
authors indulge in the use of colorful adjectives and other in-
vectives :

In February, 1915, the German government said to the world,
"We are going to send our submarines out into the ocean around
England, and sink every ship that comes near, no matter what coun-
try it belongs to, nor what it carries. We do not care whether it is

a passenger ship or where it is going We will not give any

warning, or try to save the people. Wei shall torpedo every ship we
can catch. We will starve England at any cost to the world." The
German government said this in more grown-up words, but this is
what the words meant

This was a violation of International Law and of The Hague
promises. It was more than that, it was a violation of the human
conscience. The world could not believe that Germany meant it.

On a spring day in 1915 the great steamship Lusitania sailed out

of New York Harbor to cross to England There were many

families on board. Many mothers and little children who had to go
home to England, Scotland, or France were traveling on the Lusi-
tania because she was so safe and swift. There were more than a
thousand people on board who had nothing at all to do with the war.

On the 7th of May, when the Lusitania was almost at the coast
of England, an unseen submarine shot two torpedoes into her. There
were two fearful explosions, and instantly the Lusitania began to
sink. In the terrible fright and confusion, the crew hurried as fast
as they could to lower the life boats. Brave men rushed about putting

34 Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp. 369-70.

85 Turkington, op. ciL, pp. 28, 303-4.

THE AMERICAN AND OTHER PEOPLES 159

little children in the boats, and helping women. But faster and faster
the Lusitania settled under them. There was no time, no help, no
hope.

In less than twenty minutes the great ship sank to the bottom
of the sea, and all those hundreds of mothers and fathers and little
children were struggling in the icy water.

Poor little babies ! Like wax dolls, they floated a moment on the
waves, helpless, then they sank beneath the whirling waters and were
drowned.

One thousand, one hundred and ninety-eight people were murdered
at sea that day by the German government and its submarine !

While the whole civilized world was filled with horror and pity,
Germany held a special holiday for her school children, to celebrate
the sinking. The German newspapers said, "With joy and pride
we contemplate this latest deed of our navy." And Germany had
medals made, celebrating the sinking of the Lusitania and making
fun of the people who had sailed in her !36

Thus, it became inevitable that the United States be involved
in the struggle, the pupils are told. Not only the infringement
of American rights is given as a reason for our entrance, but
the need of self-defense. For, according to Woodburn and Moran,

America does not wish to be Germanized nor to have cultivated
among her people the Prussian idea of world conquest and war. To
prevent this, and to bring it about that the world may be ruled by
reason and self-control instead of brute force, that the world may
be made a safe place in which individuals and democratic nations may
develop their own lives without fear of becoming the prey of foreign
aggression, America was forced to depart from her isolation and enter
the great World War.37

PEOPLES OF THE FAR EAST

The arguments advanced against oriental immigration in the
histories are largely reproduced in the books considered in this
section. According to Towne,

All the arguments against immigration apply with increased force

36 Bryant, op. cit., pp. 113-14. The excerpt quoted is typical of the con-
tents of this book.

37 Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp. 370-71. See also Hayes, op. cit.,
pp. 212-33. Cabot's A Course in Citizenship indicates that the Kaiser's rule
for twenty-five years demonstrated his interest in his people (p. 230).

160 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

against oriental immigration. The orientals not only have lower
standards of living, but they also so materially differ from the Ameri-
can people in language, religion, and customs, as to constitute an
entirely new problem. While many of the European races present
problems of assimilation, the oriental has such different racial char-
acteristics, as to be quite impossible of assimilation. The fear is that
should we permit the Asiatics to come here as freely as we permit
other races, we would soon have on our hands a Japanese problem
and a Chinese problem, quite as serious as our present-day negro
problem.38

Other authors believe restrictive measures against orientals
especially necessary owing to the great numbers who would come
to our shores, numbers among whom there is a high rate of illit-
eracy, who do not desire to make America a permanent home,
who lack assimilability, and who have a lower standard of living
and therefore demand a lower wage for their services than Amer-
ican laborers.39

Hill, in his Community Life and Civic Problems, attempts to
show the source of antagonism felt by Americans toward oriental
groups by pointing out the result of hard times after the com-
pletion of the Union Pacific Railroad. "Anger against the hard-
working, little-eating, frugal, stolid, yellow-skinned Chinaman
quickly appeared, and riots, mobs, and lynchings became fre-
quent," he says.40

The glory of the ancient civilization of China, on the other
hand, the Chinese as trustworthy, honest, just, and energetic
are occasionally mentioned.41 Nor does the historic friendship
of the United States througb the policy of the Open Door fail
of attention.42

In contrasting the characteristics of Chinese and Japanese,
Towne, for example, ascribes to the former a greater trustworthi-
ness in discharging their contracts and in doing their work with

38 Towne, Social Problems, p. 53.

39Burch and Patterson, op. cit., pp. 173-74. See also Greenan and Mere-
dith, op. cit., p. 17; Munro, op. cit., pp. 30-32; Mavity, op. cit., p. 126; Ell-
wood, Sociology and Modern Social Problems, pp. 241-44.

40 Hill, op. cit., p. 154. 41 Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 22.

42 Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 618.

THE AMERICAN AND OTHER PEOPLES 161

care, while to the latter is attributed more aggressiveness in be-
coming landowners and proprietors, especialty in the western sec-
tion of America.43

The situation which has developed for the federal government
out of objections raised by California is shown to have arisen,
in the case of the Japanese, because of unassimilability, and
Japanese exclusion is presented as "probably the kindest policy
for both races."44 Some authors see "in the rapid growth of
their military and naval strength" a rival for the mastery of
the Pacific.45

In spite of all alleged disagreeable characteristics of the
Chinese and Japanese, Hughes maintains that they are a wonder-
fully progressive people and Americans should not say disagree-
able things about them.46

Of other peoples of the Far East Hindus are described as even
"less desirable than the Chinese and Japanese" for "they are
more caste ridden, mingle less with other people than do other
races, and are found almost exclusively in the ranks of the lowest
grade of unskilled laborers."47

THE PEOPLES OF SOUTHERN AND EASTERN EUROPE

Discussions attending migration to America from Southern
and Eastern Europe tend to stress deleterious rather than bene-
ficial results. For example, Morehouse and Graham declare:

Puritanism in American life has been greatly affected by the in-
flux of new peoples, mostly from South European lands. The old
strict Sabbath, for instance, has definitely disappeared in certain parts
of the country and has been modified everywhere. In the cities
moral conditions are worse than they were before the foreign influx.
.... The new immigration has reduced democracy in our land.

41 Towne, op. cit., pp. 54-55.

"Mavity, op. cit., p. 128. See also Munro, op. cit., pp. 31-32; Ellwood,
op. cit., pp. 241-44.

45 Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 618.

43 Hughes, Text-Book in Citizenship, p. 107.

47 Towne, op. cit., p. 55. See also Fairchild, Elements of Social Science,
p. 368.

162 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

.... The new races have brought over race antagonisms with them
that introduce new discord into our national life.48

In the case of the Italians, it is alleged that they migrate to
this country "chiefly for economic reasons," for they "look with
longing eyes to America, the land of opportunity and riches."49
Berry and Howe distinguish between the northern and southern
Italians as to desirability as settlers, holding the former possess
"many of the admirable characteristics of the Northern Euro-
peans," while the latter are "less educated and have the fiery
passions of the oriental."5 The southern Italians are said to
have "an unenviable police record,"51 but they are also character-
ized as often "frugal and industrious workers" and frequently
"handicapped by their ignorance of the English language."52
Jenks and Smith mention, not only their industry, but "their
love for art and music."53

In like manner, the Czechoslovaks are said to "constitute a
valuable element in our population." Some writers consider the
Slavs difficult to assimilate into American life,54 and as belong-
ing "almost entirely to the class of unskilled labor which finds
occupation in the mines and in the great manufacturing indus-
tries where brawn, not brain, is essential."55

Greeks, Syrians, and Armenians are likewise described as un-
assimilable, for upon their arrival in America "they go at once
to the quarters of their fellow countrymen where congestion, dis-
ease, and poverty abound."56 Added to these groups is the im-
migrant Jew thought to be inclined to segregation, but described

^Morehouse and Graham, American Problems, pp. 366-67. See also
Hepner, op. cit., pp. 313-14; Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., p. 72.

49Burch, op. cit., pp. 135-36.

60 Berry and Howe, op. cit., p. 162.

51 Burch and Patterson, op. cit., p. 171.

52 Burch, op. cit., pp. 135-36.

58 Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 22.

" Burch and Patterson, op. cit., p. 164.

65 Ibid., p. 110. See also Burch, op. cit., p. 136.

56 Berry and Howe, op. cit., p. 163.

THE AMERICAN AND OTHER PEOPLES 163

as of superior mental ability, industrious, personally ambitious,
generous, and noted for fine family life.57

THE NEGRO, THE INDIAN, AND THE MEXICAN

In the consideration of the negro problem in America by some
writers, it is pointed out that negroes are "a race so far removed
from the white population of the United States that there is
danger of misunderstanding the other."58 The problem of the
negro is "one of the many race problems which the United States
has," declares Ellwood, "but because it is the most pressing of
all our race problems it is frequently spoken of as the race prob-
lem."5* Although described as being addicted to crime to an un-
warranted degree,60 the colored race is said to have made com-
mendable progress in general since the Civil War.61

Little is said about the Indian in the books surveyed in this
section of the study, but Burch and Patterson indicate that
American dealings with the Indian in the past were not always
free from corruption and injustice.62

A paucity of treatment is found regarding Mexico, the few
authors mentioning the country agreeing, on the whole, that the
government is poor, the people poverty-stricken and ignorant.63
Mavity, in speaking of the Mexican War, remarks that it is
"generally regarded as having less justification than any other
war in which the United States has been engaged,"64 and Munro
and Ozanne point out that, since 1846, the Mexicans have looked
with suspicion upon the United States."65

67 Ibid., p. 161. See also Burch, op. cit., p. 136; Burch and Patterson,
op. cit., p. 164.

68 Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 30.

59 Ellwood, op. cit., p. 246. Italics are in the original.

60 Burch and Patterson, op. cit., pp. 187-90.

61 Hughes, Text-Book in Citizenship, p. 109.

62 Burch and Patterson, op. cit., p. 192.

63 Long, Government and the People, p. 3; Brooks, Our Dual Govern-
ment, pp. 90-91; Turkington, op. cit., p. 236.

64 Mavity, op. cit., p. 165.

85 Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., pp. 615-17.

164 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES

Discussions dealing with the foreign policy of the United
States hinge upon the pronouncements of the chief executives
before Monroe and the Monroe Doctrine, its past and present ap-
plications, the economic expansion of the United States, and such
gatherings to promote international concord as the Pan-Ameri-
can congresses. The influence of the Spanish-American War in
making the United States a world-power does not fail of atten-
tion.66 Today, declare Munro and Ozanne

there is no part of the world, in fact, to which the interest of the
United States, direct or indirect, sentimental, political, or economic,
does not now extend. The enormous strength and prestige of Amer-
ica, as disclosed during the war, have made a profound impression
in every part of the globe and given the United States a potent in-
fluence over the destinies of mankind. The United States has be-
come a world power of the first order. Whether the American people
like it or not, that inexorable fact remains.67

Woodburn and Moran, likewise, call attention to the changes
wrought by time, declaring political isolation wise when first ap-
plied, but that America has now emerged to the status of a world-
power.

It took the Pilgrim Fathers sixty days to reach America from
Europe [they point out]. It takes five days now, and communication
is instantaneous. The Atlantic Ocean is no longer a barrier but a
highway between nations, and for certain purposes a subway. Re-
sponsibilities are forced upon us which we cannot avoid.68

Munro and Ozanne trace the interest and participation of this
country in European affairs, beginning with our invasion of the
Mediterranean in 1803 against the Barbary pirates. Then fol-
lowed the War of 1812, growing out of foreign interference with
American trade. Owing possibly to geographical position, these
authors hold it was possible to keep out of difficulties of an inter-

M Greenan and Meredith, op. cit., pp. 190-91 ; Burch and Patterson, op. cit.,
pp. 106-6.

"Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 621.

68 Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., p. 383. See also Dunn, op. cit., p. 95;
Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 587, for changes in transportation and the
results.

THE AMERICAN AND OTHER PEOPLES 165

national character for the greater part of our history. Further-
more, there was room for expansion on this continent. Then
came the World War by which America was brought into contact
with the whole world. Following the Spanish War, the United
States had acquired colonies, moreover, so that "American in-
terests now extend to everything that may threaten peace."6

On the other hand, the isolationist's point of view is expressed
by Lapp, when he says :

The aim of the country has always been to keep out of any union
with foreign countries. The interests of the great nations of Europe
are their own and we have nothing to do with them except to pro-
tect the interests of our citizens. Washington, in his farewell address,
cautioned our people to avoid all connections which would lead us
into trouble with foreign nations. His advice ought to be read today
and heeded by all.70

In regard to European interference with American affairs, di-
rection is held to be entirely within the province of the United
States, keeping Europe out "peaceably if we can, forcibly if we
must."71

For this purpose "the permanent purpose of the Monroe Doc-
trine is to keep the peace on this side of the Atlantic against
aggression and attack by European powers, in order that every
nation in the two Americas may be left free to control its own
territory and work out its own destiny and progress in its own
way."72 The Doctrine has been "variously interpreted at differ-
ent times," but "we have striven to be consistent by not partici-
pating in European affairs," declare Burch and Patterson.73

Out of the Doctrine has sprung the spirit of pan-Americanism,

69Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., pp. 606-15. See also Gettell, op. cit., pp.
150-57; Cabot, op. cit., pp. 282-325.

70 Lapp, America, pp. 297-98.

"Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., p. 368.

72 Ibid., p. 369. References to American foreign policy in Brooks, op. cit.,
pp. 161-62; Dunn, op. cit., pp. 93-94; Ashley, op. cit., pp. 367-70; Dawson,
Organized Self -Government, p. 269; Greenan and Meredith, op. cit., pp.
189-90; Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., pp. 597-601; Mavity, op. cit., p. 167;
Hayes, op. cit., pp. 278-99.

"Burch and Patterson, op. cit., pp. 104-5.

166 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

which is no small force in directing the destinies of both South
and North America.74 The Doctrine, furthermore, is described
as having compelled us to assume a large measure of responsi-
bility for the proper government of such countries as Santo Do-
mingo and Haiti, "which are practically protectorates of the
United States."75 Protectorates over Cuba and Nicaragua also
are mentioned as due to a desire "to prevent confusion in busi-
ness affairs" and for the sake of stabilizing government.76

In its relations with its possessions, the United States is said
to have conferred upon its dependencies as much self-government
as the peoples were qualified to exercise, and to have increased
their share in government as rapidly as possible. In short, "its
policy has given attention to the needs and interests of the de-
pendencies, as well as to its own interests at home."77

On the whole, it may be said that authors treating the sub-
ject of our foreign policy agree that "splendid isolation" as
originally practiced is no longer possible. Commerce between
nations is made responsible for developing a permanent interest
in Americans in peoples of other continents as well as promoting
"international good feeling and friendship." Indeed, say Munro
and Ozanne, "Isolation makes for suspicion and war. World
commerce makes for peace."78

74 Ashley, op. cit., pp. 369-70; Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 617.

75 Greenan and Meredith, op. cit., pp. 172, 190.

76 Gettell, op. cit., pp. 115-16.

''''Ibid., p. 116. See also Forman, op. cit., pp. 151-52; Reed, op. cit., pp.
223, 236; Guitteau, op. cit., p. 203; Burch and Patterson, op. cit., pp. 105-6;
Munro, op. cit., pp. 495-501.

78 Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., pp. 377-78. See also Hughes, Economic
Civics, p. 192; Burch and Patterson, op. cit., pp. 106-7.

CHAPTER XVI
THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICA

Many of the same impressions regarding the achievements and
glories of the United States as gleaned from history textbooks
will be gained likewise from a reading of the textbooks in govern-
ment and in social and economic problems. For they hold, also,
that in America there is equality of opportunity, equality before
the law, and no social distinction.1

America is the one country in the whole world where each man
has the same chance as every other man [declares Turkington] .
Whether he was born in Ohio or in Italy does not matter. If he is
brave and patient, not afraid of years of the hardest kind of work, he
will win success and happiness.2

It is here that there is freedom to choose one's calling, an
equal chance to make a living and to obtain compensation for
labor. For these things more than anything else, according to
Dunn, people have emigrated to America.3 Indeed, the economic
opportunities open to foreigners have been an impelling force
in bringing them to America is the opinion of Hughes. "They
had heard wonderful stories of America, the richest land in the
world," he says. "The demand for labor here was great and the
workman received better wages than he could ever expect to earn
in any foreign country. Besides living conditions have always
been better here than elsewhere."4 In other words, the United
States is the "richest country in the world," where "every citi-
zen has a chance to get honestly all that he needs to make him

1Mavity, Responsible Citizenship, pp. 16 ff.; Long, Government and the
People, p. 1; Turkington, My Country, pp. 41, 228; Morehouse and Graham,
American Problems, p. 356; Turkington, Community Civics, p. 226; Hughes,
Text-Book in Citizenship, pp. 707-8; Dunn, Community Civics for City
Schools, p. 297.

2 Turkington, My Country, pp. 15-16. 3Dunn, op. cit., p. 297.

4 Hughes, Economic Civics, p. 172. See also Hughes, Text-Book in Citizen-
ship, p. 93.

167

168 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

happy and successful."5 For "when we think of the United States,
we think of opportunity, speed, individuality, vision, earnestness
of purpose and resourcefulness."6

Not only have material things attracted to our shores the
peoples of other lands less blessed, but freedom from military re-
quirements, the right to worship according to one's conscience,
and political freedom.7 Into the land of liberty came, then, the
oppressed of other countries to obtain for themselves the bless-
ings of "justice, righteousness and liberty" upon which America
is founded.8 Here they find a "self-respecting independence" both
politically and economically.9 The United States is "the first
great successful Democracy,"10 a government whose principles
have been adopted by other lands desiring to establish democratic
institutions, and where there is lacking "the countless fixed ideas
and customs that so largely determine the actions of older civili-
zations," for we are not "unduly hampered by worn-out national
traditions."11

For the many advantages and blessings with which America
is said to be filled, we are indebted to our forefathers, say the
textbooks. Those who preserved for us our rights and liberties
by fashioning the Constitution were "the most notable" group

6 Bryant, I Am an American, pp. 66-68. See also Turkington, Community
Civics, pp. 10-13, 7-9; Munro, Current Problems in Citizenship, p. 484; Wood-
burn and Moran, The Citizen and the Republic, p. 353; Brooks, Our Dual
Government, pp. 17, 159-161; Hall, Immigration, p. 17; Binford and Graff,
The Young American Citizen, p. 294; Turkington, My Country, pp. 4-11,
18-19.

'Jenks and Smith, We and Our Government, p. 23. See also Morehouse
and Graham, op. cit., pp. 354-55; Long, op. cit., p. 1.

7 Hayes, American Democracy, p. 211; Berry and Howe, Actual Democ-
racy, pp. 157-58; Long, op. cit., p. 1.

8 Hill, Community Life and Civic Problems, p. 158. See also Turkington,
My Country, pp. 57-62, 22-23; Rexford and Carson, The Constitution of
Our Country, p. 116; Mavity, Responsible Citizenship, pp. 28 ff.; Greenan and
Meredith, Everyday Problems of American Democracy, p. 85.

9 Morehouse and Graham, op. cit., p. 357.

10Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 23. See also Brooks, op. cit., pp. 17,
118-19; Long, op. cit., pp. 407-8; Mavity, op. cit., pp. 213, 12.

"Burch and Patterson, Problems of American Democracy, pp. 31-32.

THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICA 169

ever assembled in this country.12 And of the men of our early
history, "the greatest" was George Washington.13 Patrick
Henry, George Rogers Clark, John Paul Jones, James Madison,
Alexander Hamilton, and Benjamin Franklin are likewise ac-
corded high praise.14

Many of these men are responsible, it is said, for the American
flag, for which they "had to pay a big price."15 Of heroes of a
later time the books mention, among others, Andrew Jackson,
John Quincy Adams, Webster, Clay, Marshall, and Lincoln,16 to
all of whom is due a debt of gratitude. The valor and achieve-
ments of heroic figures in America so impressed a French visitor
to an American school that it is said that he exclaimed : " 'Ah,
that we had the great lives to lay bare before our boys and
girls that you have here in America ! Think of three such great
leaders as Washington, Lincoln and Roosevelt belonging to one
country!'"17

The American has cause for just pride also in the fact that
"our flag has never known defeat,"18 in wars fought always "to
win liberty for somebody."19 Besides defending its citizens and
their possessions against foreign enemies just as do other coun-
tries for their citizens, the United States is said to have been "suc-
cessful above most nations" in making such defense effective.20
For this common defense, the people "need an army and navy,"
according to Lapp.21 And, although the greater part of the

12 Guitteau, Preparing for Citizenship, pp. 154-55; Southworth, The Com-
mon Sense of the Constitution, p. ix.

13 Brooks, op. cit., pp. 91-94; Bryant, op. cit., pp. 33-35; Hayes, op. cit.,
p. 155.

14 Bryant, op. cit., pp. 36-39. 15 Ibid., p. 24.
13 Ibid., pp. 57-58; Hayes, op. cit., p. 155.

" Finch, Everyday Civics, p. 295. 18 Ibid., p. 298.

19 Turkington, My Country, pp. 37-38. See also Dunn, op. cit., pp. 96-97.
Most books make the World War a war for democracy.

20 Reed, Loyal Citizenship, pp. 64-65.

21 Lapp, Our America, p. 25. See also Turkington, My Country, pp.
320-24; Mavity, op. cit., pp. 169-70; Hughes, Text-Book in Citizenship, p.
624; Ashley, The New Civics, pp. 371, 377-78; Reed, op. cit., pp. 289-90;
Forman, The American Democracy, p. 248; Ames and Eldred, Community
Civics, pp. 74-75; Bryant, op. cit., 101-5.

170 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

national income may be spent on the upkeep of its military forces,
it must be remembered, declare some of the authors, that "the
most important duty" of the nation is "that of defending us from
the attacks of other nations."22

Dole, on the other hand, presents an argument against pre-
paredness as practiced, asserting that where armies are ready for
use men will be found ready to use them.23 Some authors express
an opinion that "war is horrible," but they do not advocate the
abandonment of a preparedness program.24

On the other hand, the United States is made a lover of world-
peace, a country whose record is unequaled in an "influence to
lead the world to peace."2' It is held by one author that today
"what is required is not less loyalty to one's nationality, but more
sympathetic understanding of nationalities and national ideals
different from one's own, combined with a recognition of the
fundamental interests .... which unite them to each other."26

As the symbol of the unity to which allegiance is owed, the
American flag is accorded attention either in passages urging ex-
pressions of loyalty or in passages dealing with flag etiquette.27 As

22Jenks and Smith, op. cit., p. 139. See also Munro and Ozanne, Social
Civics, p. 563; Ziegler and Jacquette, Our Community, p. 51.

23 Dole, The New American Citizen, pp. 349, 364. See also Greenan and
Meredith, op. cit., p. 164. Greenan and Meredith, in their book, and Munro
and Ozanne, in their Social Civics, list classes interested in expansion and
having imperialistic schemes in mind. The former mention people alleged
to desire war under certain conditions. See Greenan and Meredith, op. cit.,
pp. 164-65; Munro and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 620.

24 Turkington, Community Civics, p. 490; Ames and Eldred, op. cit.,
p. 173; Greenan and Meredith, op. cit., pp. 159-61; Munro and Ozanne,
op. cit., p. 583; Morehouse and Graham, op. cit., p. 556; Hughes, New Com-
munity Civics, pp. 288-89; Hill, Lessons for Junior Citizens, pp. 197-207.

25 Reed, op. cit., pp. 291-92. See also Greenan and Meredith, op. cit.,
p. 161; Munro, op. cit., pp. 470-78; Dole, op. cit., p. 349; Hughes, New Com-
munity Civics, pp. 289-93; Forman, op. cit., pp. 252-64; Dunn, op. cit.,
pp. 99-103.

26 Dunn, op. cit., pp. 104-5. See also Morgan, Living and Working To-
gether, pp. 269-70; Finch, op. cit., p. 20; Ashley, op. cit., p. 33.

"Davis and McClure, Our Government, pp. 250-57; Ziegler and Jacquette,
op. cit., p. 179; Rexford and Carson, op. cit., pp. vi, 143-45; Brooks, op. cit.,
pp. 168-71, 173-75; Bailey, What to Do for Uncle Sam, pp. 129-36; Turk-
ington, My Country, pp. 360-68; Hughes, Economic Civics, p. 51; Bryant,
op. cit., pp. 22-23.

THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICA 171

a token of the love felt for the flag and the country for which it
stands, "The American's Creed," by William Tyler Page, and
the "Athenian Oath" find a place in some of the textbooks.28

In closing her book designed for the upper elementary grades,
Sara Cone Bryant, in I Am an American, puts in words for her
readers this confession of faith in America:

I am an American. My country is the freest, the richest, and the
most beautiful land on earth.

My Flag is unstained. My Navy is unconquered. My Army de-
fends the freedom of the world.

The faith of America is faith in God and man. She believes in
brotherhood and opportunity. She believes in justice and mercy.

America has received from all races. She gives to all races. One
bond binds all races together in her citizenship. It is the bond of
loyalty. To be an American is to love, America ; to believe in America ;
to serve America. To be an American is to live by the American ideals
of freedom, honor, and service.

I thank God for the privilege of being a child of America. I
pray that I may be worthy of the privilege. With gratitude and high
purpose, for service with the heart, hand, and brain,

I AM AN AMERICAN.29

28 Ames and Eldred, op. cit., opposite p. 1; Reed, op. cit., p. 118; Ziegler
and Jacquette, op. cit., p. 7.

29 Bryant, op. cit., pp. 161-62. Many references might be given on the
spirit of loyalty and how to show loyalty to country, obligations to the
government for its protection, and similar topics. See, for instance, Munro
and Ozanne, op. cit., p. 72; Woodburn and Moran, op. cit., pp. 27-28; Finch,
op. cit., pp. 157, 295-98; Binford, The Young American Citizen, pp. 294-97;
Hughes, Text-Book in Citizenship, p. 701; Ashley, op. cit., p. 33; Dole,
op. cit., p. 367; Shepherd, The Boy's Own Book of Politics, p. 9; Morehouse
and Graham, American Problems, p. 494; Turkington, My Country, pp. 68-73;
Reed, Loyal Citizenship, p. 74; Dunn, op. cit., pp. 56-57, 75-76.

PART III
TEXTBOOKS IN GEOGRAPHY

CHAPTER XVII

THE UNITED STATES AND PEOPLES OF OTHER
COUNTRIES

CHARACTERISTICS OF OTHER PEOPLES

Geography textbooks portray far less of controversial issues
than do the histories and other social study books commonly found
in the American public school. When they depart from a discus-
sion of physical features, geography textbooks deal largely with
trade relations and the customs of the people, and then in such
a way as to make for mutual understanding and tolerance. Some
geographies trace the descent of the people of the United States,
showing the influence of various nationalities upon American po-
litical and social institutions and life. In fact, a number of au-
thors aver in the preface of their books a desire to stimulate
the reader's interest in the life of people of countries other than
America.1 On the whole, far less material tending toward civic
education is found in geographies than in other books surveyed
in this study.

It is the obvious effort of some authors to create a tolerant
attitude, for they frequently point out at length that a custom
which seems "strange" to us is not "strange" to all peoples, and
that many American practices would appeal to other nations as
peculiar as theirs appeal to us. For example, Huntington says:

In reading about strange customs we must remember that the fact
that they are strange to us does not mean that they are not as good
as our own. Some are doubtless worse than ours, many are equally
good, and some are better. For instance, in readiness to learn from
others the Japanese far surpass us; while in patient economy and
industry the Chinese are so far our superiors that we have as much
to learn from them in those respects as they have to learn from us in
other ways.2

'For example, Blaisdell and Blaisdell, Child Life in Many Lands.

2 Huntington, Asia, p. 24. See also for a similar point of view Morris,
Home Life in All Lands, Book I.

175

176 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Fairgrieve and Young have a like point of view :

We have no right to laugh at other people's clothes, their food or
their houses, because these things are not like ours. We have to
learn that other people are as good and wise as we are, and that if
their ways seem strange to us, ours seem just as funny to them. We
like sugar, an Eskimo boy likes fat, and an African child likes salt.
If we were Eskimos we should think it fine to eat candles, but be-
cause we are Americans we would much rather have candy.3

People differ from each other in race, in color, and in the kinds
of places in which they live [declares Smith in his Human Geo-
graphy]. Yet all mankind is alike in having six needs [food, fuel,
shelter, clothes, tools, luxuries]. In having these six needs all men
are brothers.4

Not only do nations hold in common certain needs, but due to
systems of transportation, all nations today seem near neigh-
bors, with the welfare of all mutually dependent. The higher
the civilization, the greater the interdependence is the conclusion
of Packard and Sinnott.5 Furthermore, "each nation has some-
thing to teach the others."6

As we turn to statements relating to the Europeans in gen-
eral, geography textbooks describe them as belonging "to the
most highly civilized of all the world's peoples,"7 the people of
the mother-continent, and the teacher of most of the world. "Most
of the best books, music, paintings, and sculpture have come from
Europe," assert Tarr and McMurry.8

Europeans and their descendants dominate most of the world
[states Whitbeck]. European civilization has spread over the earth;
it seems to have won because of its superiority Most Euro-
peans were barbarians when we first know of them; and from this
condition of barbarism they have been changed into the most enlight-
ened and most masterful people in the world.9

3 Fairgrieve and Young, Human Geography by Grades, Homes Far Away,
Book II, p. 10.

4 Smith, Human Geography, Book II, p. 1.

5 Packard and Sinnott, Nations as Neighbors, pp. 4-5.

6 Ibid., p. 14. 7 Carpenter, Europe, p. 17.

8 Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies First Book, pp. 187-88.
'Whitbeck, High School Geography, pp. 501-2.

THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER COUNTRIES 177

They are characterized as energetic and competent; and "they
have written more books than all the rest of the people of the
world."10

Among the foremost of these peoples are the English, pictured
as intelligent, ingenious, industrious, and progressive, with a
natural fondness for exploration, trade, and industry.11 "Not-
withstanding its small size, the United Kingdom is in many re-
spects the most powerful, and the most important in the world,"
declare Tarr and McMurry. "It carries on more foreign com-
merce than any other nation, it has more and larger colonies,
and in it is London, the largest city in the world."12 In govern-
ment England is held "remarkably liberal and adaptable, con-
servative enough to prevent hasty changes, yet always able to
change when the need of change is clear." Its people have a
genius for business, for colonization, and for diplomacy. "The
Englishman never knows when he is; beaten, and, as a consequence,
he has won almost every great conflict in which he has engaged.
The stubbornness and persistence of the British are proverbial."13

"In the extent and importance of its dependencies" there is
"no other nation that compares with Great Britain," say Mc-
Murry and Parkins.14 They believe, "moreover, the British have in
general kept the loyalty of their colonies through good govern-
ment,"15 India being cited as a case in point of the improved con-
dition of that country since British occupation.16

Blaisdell and Blaisdell bring up a Revolutionary War incident
of the General Gage regime in Boston which recalls Anglo-Ameri-
can discord, but few of the books follow that line of treatment.17

10 Smith, op. cit., Book I, p. 276.

11 Packard and Sinnott, op. cit., p. 275. See also Smith, op. cit., Book II,
p. 215; Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies Second Book, p. 276.

"Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies First Book, p. 189. See also
Robinson, Commercial Geography, p. 398.

"Whitbeck, op. cit., p. 468. See also Robinson, op. cit., p. 398.

14 McMurry and Parkins, Advanced Geography, p. 293.

KIbid., p. 294.

18 Ibid., p. 407. See also Carpenter, Asia, p. 281. The same statement
is made about Egypt in Robinson, op. cit., p. 348.

"Blaisdell and Blaisdell, op. cit., pp. 29-31.

178 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Indeed, the general opinion of authors of geography textbooks
is that "the English-speaking peoples have risen to a command-
ing place among the nations, and if the highest ideals of these
peoples can prevail their leadership will benefit the world."18

To the French are attributed the qualities of intelligence,
thrift, artistic taste, and culture.19 According to Robinson

The French people are generally conceded to be among the most
patriotic and united in Europe. They have an artistic instinct which
imparts beauty to whatever they touch, and great thrift which enables
them to prosper in spite of a huge standing army, and a public debt
without parallel, and enormous taxes.20

"In many respects" they are said still to hold "an advanced
position among European peoples," due not so much "to the
magnitude of their undertakings" as to their "intellectual and
artistic qualities."21 Huntington, in his book on Asia, questions
the wisdom of French colonial policy, suggesting that in some
respects it has hampered the development of the colonies.22

The Germans are considered among "the most intelligent and
industrious of the world," "always ready to fight and work for
a great share of all that the world has to offer." Indeed, the
American "always finds them among our chief competitors in
manufacture and trade."23 According to Smith, "nearly every-
body in Germany can read and write, and there are fine universi-
ties and trade schools in many of the cities."24 Among Germans
are found the foremost scientists and musicians.25

The World War, according to McMurry and Parkins, cost
Germany "her former rank among the nations of the world."26
In the years before 1914,

Germany had become one of the greatest nations in the world. Had
the nation continued its peaceful course it seems unquestionable that

38Whitbeck, op. cit., p. 499. See also Carpenter, Europe, p. 77.

19Tarr and McMurry,, New Geographies Second Book, pp. 285, 287;
Carpenter, Europe, pp. 98, 101; Smith, op. cit., Book I, p. 233, 234, 236.

20 Robinson, op. cit., p. 390. ™ Huntington, op. cit., p. 294.

21 Whitbeck, op. cit., pp. 514-15. 23 Carpenter, Europe, p. 221.

24 Smith, op. cit., Book I, p. 239. See also Tarr and McMurry, New
Geographies Second Book, p. 311.

25 Smith, op. cit., Book I, p. 240.

26 McMurry and Parkins, op. cit., p. 328.

THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER COUNTRIES 179

Germany would have become the leading nation of the world. But
the warlike spirit and the ambitions of her ruling class plunged the
world into the most terrible war of all time, and Germany emerged

from it almost wrecked The old autocratic government had

been overturned and a republic established; the immediate future is
uncertain but the German people remain and will probably again be-
come powerful in Europe.27

The German ability at organization and German militaristic
tendencies are mentioned by some writers, as well as the invasion
of Belgium, when "the Germans cruelly oppressed the Belgians."
Because the latter were among "the competitors of the Germans
in manufacturing and industry," it is alleged that Belgian in-
dustrial centers were ruined and the Belgian people left to
starve.28

Italian art, architecture, science, music, the influence of the
Latin language and Roman law upon the civilized world are the
chief contributions to history made by the Italians, according
to the geographies.29

Of the characteristics of the Russians illiteracy seems to have
impressed authors; to the greatest degree.30 A "reverent" and
oppressed people under the czarist regime and now under the
Bolsheviki, the sympathies rather than the animosities of the
reader are kindled by discussions in the geography textbooks.31

The Swiss are described as industrious, skilful, having an in-
dependent spirit expressed in the form of their government, and
of "a high state of civilization."32

"Whitbeck, op. cit., pp. 521-22. See also McMurry and Parkins, op. cit.,
p. 330.

28Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies Second Book, p. 309; Robinson,
op. cit., p. 418; Carpenter, Europe, p. 139.

29 Packard and Sinnott, op. cit., pp. 397-401; Tarr and McMurry, New
Geographies Second Book, p. 326.

30 Robinson, op. cit., p. 430 ; Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies Second
Book, p. 304; McMurry and Parkins, op. cit., pp. 355-56; Smith, op. cit.t
Book I, p. 273; Packard and Sinnott, op. cit., pp. 421-22.

31 Huntington, op. cit., p. 142 ; Smith, op. cit., Book I, p. 273.

:2 Smith, op. cit., Book II, pp. 251, 252; Brigham and McFarlane, Essen-
tials of Geography: First Book,' p. 202; Tarr and McMurry, New Geog-
raphies Second Book, pp. 320-21; Mirick and Holmes, Home Life around
the World, p. 39; Carpenter, Europe, p. 261.

180 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

In sharp contrast to descriptions of people like the Swiss are
the larger number of discussions detailing the qualities of the
Turk, whose object, it is said, seems to have been "to check
progress as much as possible."33 The Turks are "a fierce yel-
low race,"34 who have "desolated" and "polluted" with "robbery
and murder" one of the "fairest lands of the world."35 They are
"cruel and backward," and it is a gain to have freed European
territory from Turkish control.36 As an example of their cruelty
the Armenian massacres are mentioned.37 Huntington and Car-
penter remark on Turkish politeness and hospitality.38

Of the Danes, Finns, and Dutch the textbooks speak in high
praise. To the Dutch are ascribed qualities of industry, excel-
lent character, and a passion for education and liberty.39 Dutch
cleanliness is frequently mentioned.40 The Danes are noted also
for their thrift, industry, and education, as are the Belgians,
Finns, and Scandinavians.41 A love of liberty is attributed to
the people of Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Esthonia.42 The
people of Iceland are said to "buy, read, and write more thought-
ful books than the same number of people anywhere else."43 The
Eskimos are sometimes called "dirty" but Fairgrieve and Young
suggest that "if we had no water, perhaps we should not be any
cleaner."44 To the Irish is ascribed "a very great sense of humor,"

33 Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies Second Book, p. 337.

34 Carpenter, Europe, p. 387. " Robinson, op. cit., p. 335.

36Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies Second Book, p. 337; Smith,
op. cit., Book II, p. 264, Huntington, op. cit., p. 72.

37 Huntington, op. cit., p. 83.

38 Carpenter, Europe, p. 398; Huntington, op. cit., p. 83.

39 Carpenter, Europe, p. 162; Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies
Second Book, p. 278.

40 Perdue, Child Life in Other Lands, pp. 68-69.

41 Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies Second Book, pp. 281, 300;
Carpenter, Europe, pp. 141, 207, 212, 182; Smith, op. cit., Book II, pp. 231,
238, 242; Perdue, op. cit., p. 46; Packard and Sinnott, op. cit., p. 434.

42 Smith, op. cit., Book II, p. 243; McMurry and Parkins, op. cit., p. 356;
Packard and Sinnott, op. cit., p. 436.

"Smith, op. cit., Book II, p. 212.

44 Fairgrieve and Young, op. cit., Book II, p. 17.

THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER COUNTRIES 181

and of those coming to the United States a great interest in
politics and government.45

Turning to the Magyars and the Greeks, the reader finds in
the former qualities of strength, bravery, patriotism, pride, and
hospitality, and in the latter's country "the source of many of
our own manners and customs," the "cradle of civilization." The
Spanish and Portuguese are described as unprogressive, indolent
though polite.46

The geography textbooks, in treating countries of Asia, point
out that "Asia was the seat of some of the earliest civilizations
of mankind." But "in spite of this early progress the Asiatic
people have long stood still, while Europeans have been making
rapid advances. In recent times, however, an awakening has be-
gun. Some of the countries of Asia have already made astonish-
ing progress, and others have begun to follow their example."4

Today Japan is the most civilized nation of Asia [says Hunting-
ton]. Indeed, in many ways Japan is the most civilized nation in the
world. Europeans and Americans have made greater progress than
Japan in inventions, manufactures, and commerce, but Japan is
ahead of us in equally important matters, such as patriotism, filial
respect, cleanliness, politeness, art and the love of nature.48

But "unfortunately the Japanese are forgetting some of their
love of beauty, and are devoting much energy to the mad rush
for wealth and business supremacy," the same author holds.49

Especially noteworthy are the Japanese qualities of polite-
ness, love of the beautiful, intelligence, and patriotism.50 As an
example of their patriotism, a willingness to pay taxes and an

45 Carpenter, Europe, p. 34; Smith, op. cit., Book II, p. 228.

««Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies First Book, pp. 212, 209; Carpen-
ter, Europe, pp. 403, 305. For Spain and Portugal: Packard and Sinnott,
op. cit., p. 391; Carpenter, South America, p. 85; Smith, op. cit., Book II,
pp. 275, 261.

47 McMurry and Parkins, op. cit., pp. 387-88.

48 Huntington, op. cit., p. 193. 49 Ibid., p. 198.

80 Smith, op. cit., Book II, p. 319; Huntington, op. cit., pp. 215, 200, 217;
Brigham and McFarlane, op. cit., p. 232; Carpenter, Asia, p. 43.

182 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

implicit obedience to law are contrasted with the attitude of
Americans toward the same obligations.51

Today Japan, equipped with a powerful army and navy, an elec-
tive parliament, efficient public schools, and a ruling class educated
in all modern arts and sciences, ranks with the Great Powers of the
world, and is a dominating factor in all the problems of the Far
East. There is no other example in history of suchj marvelous prog-
ress [declares Robinson].52

When our ancestors were ignorant savages living in rude huts, the
Chinese were already highly civilized. They lived in well-built houses,
wore silk clothes, and knew how to read and write. They possessed
schools, orphanages, and hospitals, and were governed peacefully
and justly. Long before our ancestors thought of such things, the
Chinese had devised the art of printing and invented gunpowder and
the compass. They learned that the best way to settle quarrels was
by arbitration rather than by blows [says Huntington].

After doing all this, the Chinese ceased to make progress, and
have stood still for centuries. Europe and America, on the contrary,
have progressed rapidly leaving the Asiatics far behind. To-day,
however, the Chinese are beginning to wake up. In a few hundred
years they may once more be far ahead of us, unless we learn to
practice greater industry, patience, and economy, the three great
virtues of China.53

Part of this backwardness is attributed by Huntington to
China's dense population and frequent famines, which have caused
both ignorance and poverty.54 Robinson likens China to "a house
built of bricks without mortar," declaring that "her people,
though rating life of little worth, are not brave in battle, and
the family tie is so strong among them that public spirit or
national patriotism can hardly be said to exist. China then
appears badly equipped for the modern struggle for existence of

"Smith, op. cit., Book II, p. 319; Huntington, op. cit., p. 194.

62 Robinson, op. cit., p. 301. See also Packard and Sinnott, op. cit., p. 470;
Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies First Book, p. 225; Whitbeck, op. cit.,
p. 544; McMurry and Parkins, op. cit., p. 425.

63 Huntington, op. cit., p. 221. See also Packard and Sinnott, op. cit.,
pp. 457-58; Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies First Book, p. 221,
Second Book, p. 362; McMurry and Parkins, op. cit., pp. 413-15.

54 Ibid., pp. 283, 232, 272.

THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER COUNTRIES 183

nations."55 Yet "as the Chinese have come into closer contact
with the people of America and Europe they have gradually
given up many of their old national customs, and they are be-
coming more and more like ourselves in dress and habits," de-
clares Carpenter.66

Toward this country the United States has adopted a policy
of friendship, authors assert. "It has taken a vigorous stand in
preserving her territory and independence. America has been
China's best friend among the nations."57

Although it is believed that the Mexicans are lacking in a
capacity to develop the resources of their own country or to
establish a stable government, nevertheless it is conceded that
"the upper class of Mexicans includes people of high education,
refinement and wealth."5 Most of the natives are said to be
ignorant Indians of mixed blood, and more than 50 per cent of
the adults are "unable to read and write."59 The difficulty of
protecting the border line between Mexico and the United States
from marauding Mexican bands is mentioned by some authors.60
The desirability of cultivating friendly relations between the two
countries is stressed, particularly by McMurry and Parkins.61

Our neighbors of the South American continent receive kindly
treatment, on the whole, by the geographers. The Venezuelans
are characterized as "hospitable," the Chileans as "vigorous and
brave," the Peruvians as "polite and especially cordial to stran-
gers," the Colombians as gentle and "hospitable."62

The encouragement of friendly relations from a commercial
standpoint is the plea of some of the textbooks. As Whitbeck, in
his High School Geography, says:

The United States and South American countries ought to main-
tain close and friendly relations. The tropics produce things which

65 Robinson, op. cit., p. 310. B6 Carpenter, Asia, p. 197.

57 McMurry and Parkins, op. cit., p. 419. See also Carpenter, Asia, p. 146.

68 Whitbeck, op. cit., p. 428.

59 Smith, op. cit., Book I, p. 185; McMurry and Parkins, op. cit., p. 199.

60 Ibid. "Ibid.

8a Carpenter, South America, pp. 44-45, 90, 135-36, 378; McMurry and
Parkins, op. cit., pp. 268, 271. Brazil is discussed in ibid., pp. 257-58.

184 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

we need in ever increasing quantities Moreover, South Amer-
ica depends upon, outside countries for most of its coal, petroleum,
machinery, and manufactures of all kinds. These we can supply and
ought to supply as we are now doing.63

The island possessions of the United States are said to have
improved materially and spiritually under the tutelage of the
Americans. In this respect, the geographies do not depart much
from the point of view presented by the histories.64

TRADE AMONG NATIONS

The influence of trade in cementing relations among peoples
of varied and diverse interests is discussed in many of the text-
books examined. According to Smith

The world is one. Trade has made it so. The different parts of
the world are now connected. No longer do most of the families of

the world live apart from other families Ships, railroads,

telegraphs, andj machines have made the people of many lands our
helpers. Each country now has something that we buy. Trade has
also made us helpers to many other people. We help them by selling
to them the things that they want.65

Therefore, the pupil is shown, in his reading of such text-
books, that the United States contributes to each country, and
other countries give to the United States necessities and luxuries
which otherwise would be lacking.

"We see men [In France] plowing the battlefields with Ameri-
can steam tractors." Belgium gets "food stuffs from the United
States, iron from France, and rubber, ivory, palm oil and other
products from its great colony, the Belgian Kongo in Africa."
On the other hand, "a great deal of Belgian plate glass is ex-
ported to the United States." We take "much Belgian rubber,
which is brought from the Belgian Kongo to Antwerp and sent
from there across the Atlantic Ocean to us." "We furnish Ger-

63Whitbeck, op. cit., pp. 463-64. Quoted also in a later portion of this
study.

"Brigham and McFarlane, op. cit., p. 153; Packard and Sinnott, op. cit.,
p. 230; Smith, op. cit., Book II, pp. 194-95; McMurry and Parkins, op. cit.,
pp. 200, 173, 431-34; Robinson, op. cit., p. 224.

85 Smith, op. cit., Book II, p. 10.

THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER COUNTRIES 185

many three-fourths of its cotton, nine-tenths of its copper and
much meat, especially lard. Before the World War we bought
more of Germany than of any other country except Great Brit-
ain." Furthermore,

Germany makes laces and embroideries and exports to the United
States millions of dollars' worth of machine-made lace. It has vast
cotton mills fed by our Southern plantations and woolen mills that
export their goods to all parts of Europe and the United States. The
sheep of Saxony .... have fine wool, and in our dry goods stores
one can buy the beautiful Saxony yarns used for crocheting and
knitting.66

From the Swiss, "vast quantities" are said to be exported to
the United States, so that "tens of thousands of Swiss men,
women and children" are kept busy working "to supply the Ameri-
can market with certain kinds of goods."67 From the United
States Switzerland buys

much of the copper and other metals used in her electrical machinery,
and a great deal of the raw cotton employed in making her beautiful

embroideries, curtains and laces We sell her petroleum, flour,

meat, and various food stuffs. At the same time we are the best cus-
tomer of all the nations for Swiss embroideries.68

From Italy the United States imports "quantities" of mac-
aroni and raw silk; from Russia, caviar; from Czechoslovakia,
horns, violins, and musical toys; as well as things from Bo-
hemia.69

So far as South America is concerned, the United States and
the countries of that continent
ought to maintain close and friendly relations. The tropics produce

things which we need in ever increasing quantities Moreover,

South America depends upon outside countries for most of its coal,
petroleum, machinery, and manufactures of all kinds. These we can
and ought to supply as we are now doing. Many American banks
have already been established in Latin America .... and a cordial
feeling exists between the United States and most South American
countries.70

66 Carpenter, Europe, pp. 135, 141, 147, 223, 240.

67 Ibid., p. 261. <*Ibid., pp. 263-64.

69 Ibid., pp.376, 430, 443. 70Whitbeck, op. cit., pp. 463-64.

186 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Many of our farmers use the nitrates from the South American des-
ert to fertilize their crops. Our finer rubber comes from the wild trees
of the Amazon basin, and almost all the coffee we drink is grown in
Brazil. The most of our chocolate comes from the cocoa trees of

Brazil, Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador We import wool

and meat from the Rio de la Plata basin. We get some of our tin
from Bolivia, and considerable copper from Peru and Chile. We have
diamonds from Brazil and emeralds from Colombia. Indeed, there
is hardly a state of South America that does not supply us with ma-
terials of one kind or another, and .... South Americans are using
more and more of the things we raise and the manufactures we make
for export to other nations.71

Besides these American products, Carpenter enumerates oth-
ers being used in South American countries, such as canned
meats, typewriters, automobiles, motor trucks, and phonographs.
On the other hand, we buy coffee, beef extract, raw wool, cattle,
borax, nitrate of soda, iodine, sugar, rice, and other things.72

In Asia, Carpenter tells his readers, "at nearly every port
ships filled with American goods may be found, while other ships
are starting out with exports for the United States."73 Japan, in
particular, has an "enormous trade" with the United States.
From there we get tea and silk. In fact, the United States is
Japan's "best customer in silk."74

The trade between the United States and Japan is increasing and
she sells more and more manufactured goods to us every year. On
the other hand, we are shipping to Japan many different kinds of
machinery. She buys our chemicals, dyestuffs, and leather, and our
cars and locomotives for her railways. We send her flour and wheat,
and all sorts of manufactures in iron and steel. We send her minerals
of various kinds, and we furnish the gasoline used in her automobiles
and gas engines, and the kerosene in her lamps. Most of the Japanese
are clad in American cotton, and millions of them depend for their
living upon the work they have in making into manufactured goods
the raw materials supplied by the United States.75

"Carpenter, South America, pp. 18-19.

72 Ibid., pp. 130, 133, 99-100, 129, 278, 202, 205, 138, 145, 388.
"Carpenter, Asia, pp. 20-21. "Ibid., pp. 43, 92.

75 Ibid., pp. 101-2.

THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER COUNTRIES 187

From China come duck eggs and tea, and in Shanghai there
are many oil works and tobacco factories said to belong to Ameri-
cans. According to Carpenter, many Americans live in China
to "manage the trade between the two countries."76 He also dis-
cusses the "great trade" carried on between Calcutta and the
United States, mentioning especially the export of linseed oil to
this country.77

In spite of the vast extent of our industries, we are by no means
independent of other nations [declare McMurry and Parkins]. We
should suffer less from hunger than many of them, even if there were
no foreign trade; but we could hardly be prosperous. Every one of
our states is dependent upon the others in scores of ways ; and in much
the same manner any one nation is dependent upon others.78

76 Ibid., p. 170.

77 Ibid., pp. 275, 325.

"McMurry and Parkins, op. cit., p. 472.

CHAPTER XVIII
THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES

There is little "jingoism" or braggadocio in geography text-
books, although there are mentioned the prosperity and riches of
this country, the helpfulness of America to the oppressed, the
benefits of democracy, and the valor and fortitude of our fore-
bears.

"There is, perhaps, no country on earth where an honest man,
with ability and energy, can prosper so easily as in the United
States," declare Tarr and McMurry.1 Indeed, according to
Smith,

It is .... a very good country in which to live to make a liv-
ing. The people of the United States are fortunate. The climate is
good, so that most of the people are strong and healthy and want to

do things In some countries they are not as healthy as they are

in the United States

Besides being fortunate in having a good climate, our country is
rich in the materials needed by man for food, clothes, shelter, fire,
power and machines. People like to come here to live because good
wages can be paid in a country so rich in the thing which men
need

We have over one hundred million people in this great country
of ours, but there is enough land for us all. We feed ourselves and
have much food to spare. This surplus we can send to the people in
other countries. There is much land in the United States that we do
not yet use for crops.2

Everywhere abundant resources are found to have been turned
to advantage by man's hand and brain.3 This remarkable develop-
ment is due "in large part," it is said, to the many devout, in-
dustrious, and thrifty people who first settled here. Most of them
were men and women of strong character who thought more of
doing right themselves and training their children properly than
they did of gaming wealth. That they might carry out their

1 Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies First Book, p. 107.
a Smith, Human Geography, Book I, pp. 46-47, 258. See also Knowlton,
First Lessons in Geography, p. 1.

"Lefferts, Our Own United States, p. 331.

188

ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES 189

high purposes, they left their homes and friends to live in a
wilderness across the Atlantic where the conditions of life were
very hard. "We owe much to their sacrifices. Their high ideals,
passed on from generation to generation, have done much to
make this land of ours one of the best places in the world in
which to live."4

McMurry and Parkins also agree in their statements with otht/
writers concerning American prosperity. "The United States
is; the wealthiest nation in the world, and also the greatest in
manufacturing," they declare. "Since the leading countries of
Europe have been so impoverished by the World War, our ad-
vantage in wealth is very great."5

The opportunity "to make a living" and "to be free" has
prompted many people to leave their native land for America, if
we read the textbooks aright.6 For is not America "a treasure
house of wonderful riches"?7 Then, too, the government is a
"democracy" in which "all the officers are thus really servants
of the people, and not their masters, and they are paid for their
work by the people." The object of this government is "to help
every one, as far as possible and not to worry or oppress any-
one."8

Another advantage in living in the United States, according
to the authors of geography textbooks, is the opportunity for
free education open to all. "Our excellent system of education
is one of the chief causes of our rapid advance, for educated
people can do things which ignorant people cannot do," is the
belief of Tarr and McMurry.9

As a gesture toward protecting weaker nations, the Monroe
Doctrine is said to have been announced and applied in various

4 Packard and Sinnott, Nations as Neighbors, p. 57. See also Robinson,
Commercial Geography, p. 196.

5 McMurry and Parkins, Advanced Geography, p. 276.

"Smith, op. cit., Book II, p. 266. See also Packard and Sinnott, op. cit.,
pp. 59-61.

7 Carpenter, North America, p. 18. See also Carpenter, Europe, p. 174.

8 Tarr and McMurry, op. cit., pp. 80, 107. See also Carpenter, Asia,
p. 462.

9 Tarr and McMurry, op. cit., p. 107.

190 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

instances since 1823. 10 The Pan-American Union has been a de-
velopment of the spirit of kinship which is said to have grown
between the two American continents.11 Through the Union
peace has been promoted and war eliminated. And the writers
of geographies, on the whole, believe that this is wise.

War is the enemy of trade and commerce. It blocks harbors and
curtails the freedom of the seas. It alters the purchasing power of
money and causes great disparity of prices in the markets of the
world. It strikes at the heart of industry and discourages the pro-
duction of all things not essential to carrying on the conflict. In its
destructive course it draws out of the world's storehouse much of the
wealth accumulated by the efforts of mankind through successive
ages.12

The need of preparedness is touched upon by Carpenter in his
North America.13 Arbitration and the formation of some asso-
ciation of nations as a means of settling international contro-
versies are advocated by Packard and Sinnott and McMurry
and Parkins.14

The advantages and attractions of America, it may be said in
closing, are attested to, according to the textbooks, by the large
number of immigrants seeking admittance to this country. "When
they land here, few of them know our language, but they soon
learn to speak it," declare Brigham and McFarlane. "They send
their children to our schools, they work hard, and they become
useful citizens."15 According to Packard and Sinnott, "All of
these newcomers have aided in the development of our country"1
— "the most important country in the Western Hemisphere ....
in many ways the leading country in the world."17

10 McMurry and Parkins, op. cit., p. 276; Allen, South America, p. 6.

"McMurry and Parkins, op. cit., p. 276. See also Allen, op. cit., p. 6.

12 Robinson, op. cit., p. 456. See also Knowlton, op. cit., p. 238 ; McMurry
and Parkins, op. cit., p. 389; Carpenter, North America, p. 41.

"Carpenter, North America, pp. 41, 152-53.

"Packard and Sinnott, op. cit., p. 11; McMurry and Parkins, op. cit.,
p. 381.

15 Brigham and McFarlane, Essentials of Geography First Book, p. 184.
See also Tarr and McMurry, New Geographies Second Book, p. 331.

"Packard and Sinnott, op. cit., pp. 58-59. See also Tarr and McMurry,
New Geographies First Book, p. 107.

17 McMurry and Parkins, op. cit., p. 25.

PART IV
READERS

CHAPTER XIX
THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER NATIONS

GENERAL CHARACTER OF MATERIAL IN READERS

Readers, like histories, contain much material having an emo-
tional appeal. Indeed, many of the textbooks in reading, pub-
lished during the World War, were designed to stimulate the
emotions of that great conflict, and to stir the patriotic pulse by
the narration of heroic exploits and national achievements of the
allies in arms, especially of America. The same effect was accom-
plished by uncomplimentary and sometimes untrue statements re-
garding the enemy peoples. Some of these readers still appear
in the lists of approved textbooks of city systems and of state
adoptions. Frances Nimmo Greene's My Country's Voice may
be used as an illustration.

The Table of Contents can be cited to show the topics dis-
cussed: "To the Young American," "A Bit of History," "War-
ren's Address to the American Soldiers," "Henry's Appeal to
Virginia," "English Defense of the Colonies," "The Minuteman
of the Revolution," "The Concord Hymn," "George Washington,"
"Washington," "Lafayette— The Friend of America," "Spirit of
the Declaration of Independence-Liberty-Justice," "The Story of
a Flag," "How To Treat the Flag," "About Our Constitution—
the Foundation of Our Laws," "The Story of a Song," "America
the Beautiful," "The Opportunities of Democracy," "The Mon-
roe Doctrine," "Pioneers ! O Pioneers !" "A Nation of Pioneers,"
"The Bivouac of the Dead," "Disunion and War," "To Save the
Union," "Little Giffen," "Gettysburg Address," "About the Bat-
tle Hymn," "The End of the Brothers' War," "O Captain! My
Captain !" "Repledging the South to the Union," "The Blue and
the Gray," "Old Ironsides," "Lincoln — the American," "Lee —
the American," "America for Me," "A Precedent," "For Cuba,"
"High Points," "True Americanism," "The Homes of the People,"
"Home, Sweet Home," "America Wakes," "Germany's Sins

193

194 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

against America," "The War Message," "Old Ties Renewed,"
"The Ship of State," "Soldiers of Freedom," "A Toast," "Loyal-
ty," "The Nation in Arms."

The titles are, in most cases, descriptive of the contents. They
are preceded by a picture of a Red Cross nurse, whose background
is the American flag, and in front of whom stand an American
marine and a soldier. Surrounding them are people with out-
stretched arms, as if pleading for help. Beneath the picture is
this verse:

Content to find where'er her flag shall wave
Thy glory or thy grave!

In comparison, the Table of Contents in one of the Lyman-
Hill Junior High School series, Literature and Living, is given.
Although this series contains selections bespeaking loyalty to
country, it has also excerpts of readings from authors who are
attempting "to interpret life" in its social setting. Book I of
the series is divided into the following parts : "I. Making Homes,"
"II. Going to School," "III. Finding Enjoyment," "IV. Provid-
ing Safety," "V. Seeking New Homes," "VI. Making the Best of
One's Self."

Part I deals with "The Dwelling Place," "The Home Circle,"
"Glimpses into a Few Homes," and "Family Ties and Home
Obligations." Part II takes up "Schools and Schooling of Long
Ago," "Overcoming Difficulties for an Education," "Sports and
Sportsmanship in School Life," and "Glimpses of Education and
School Life." Part III treats "Joy in the Out-of-Doors," "Beau-
ties of Nature," "Trees," "Sports, Amusements, and Games,"
and "Happiness, Cheerfulness, and Contentment." Part IV dis-
cusses "Safety from Fires and Floods," "Maintaining Law and
Order," and "Safeguarding Health." Part V deals with "Visions
and Purposes of Newcomers to America," "Experiences of New
Americans," "What the Newcomers Bring to America," and
"What America Should Mean to True Citizens." Part VI pre-
sents materials on "The Highest Success," "The Material with
Which We Build," "Carrying Hard Tasks Through," and "Per-
sonal Growth."

THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER NATIONS 195

FRANCE IN THE READERS

Readers, in general, conform to the general characteristics of
content in the history textbooks. France, therefore, is depicted
as a friend of America to whom a debt of gratitude is owed.
"Your admiration for France will grow as you study history and
learn what she has done to help in the struggle for Freedom,
Brotherhood, Equal Right," declare Lewis and Rowland.1

Stories of the World War carry out the same idea and, in
contrast to those told of Germany, paint France a martyr and
an example of nobility. The following story of two little French
orphans living in a big orphanage in France will serve to illus-
trate. Leon was ten years old ; Marcel was a baby.

So very long it seemed to Leon now, since his dear father, dressed
in the wonderful blue soldier clothes, had marched down to fight for
France, their beloved country. And then afterwards, when word came
that a cruel German shell had killed him, the dear little mother had
grieved herself to death — and that is why Leon and baby Marcel
lived in the orphanage. But Leon remembered well the, day his mother
called him to her side and placing her hand on his head, said with a
smile, "You are mother's big, strong boy ! I am going away from you,
Leon; take good care of Marcel. She will have only you now to keep
her from harm."

Leon had said to his mother: "I am going to be a soldier and fight
for France, and I shall kill the Germans too, because they shot my
father and made you sick "

And then came the day of horrors to the little French village —
a day when German raiders rode pell-mell through the peaceful
streets, entered the homes, carried away all food, wine, clothing,
furniture, silver, jewelry; and then setting fire to the houses, shot in

their tracks those who fled in panic into the streets [Then

Leon rescues Marcel.]

A few yards more and he would be safe and then — bang! bang!
The shots seemed to fall over and all about him, and with a dull
thud poor little Leon dropped to the ground, baby Marcel beneath

him [Then] bounding through the strip of woods came a big

American soldier .... as the little group turned towards the

1 Lewis and Rowland, The Silent Readers Eighth Reader, pp. 267-68,
"The Name of France."

196 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

pretty Orphan's Home, the roof fell in with a crash as the flames
shot high in the air. "Beasts !" muttered the khaki soldier. "Three
of them at least will burn no more villages or shoot babies either.
I got here just in time to send them shot for shot."2

Another story carrying the theme of American-French friend-
ship is that of "Joan and Pierre." Joan and Pierre were two
little French children who lived in a small village which had been
"torn to pieces by the guns of the Great War."

"Oh, Joan!" said Pierre, "What a beautiful new coat you
have." Then Joan took Pierre to the place where she got her
coat. Over the house floated an American flag which Joan said
her father told her had made him very happy the first time he saw
it in the trenches. Pierre went into the house and was given nice,
warm clothes, a pair of shoes and a cap and some food. It was
the house of the Junior Red Cross. "The little boys and girls of
America send us these things," said Joan.3

Even the dogs in France during the World War received eu-
logy. Under the title of "The Smallest Soldier of All," Lewis and
Rowland, in their Fifth Reader, tell the story of a dog, "Mignon,"
the pet of a French soldier, which carried an important message
through battle-fire and thereby saved France.4

In the World War, the Americans renewed "old ties" with the
nation which had sent Rochambeau and Lafayette to aid in a
struggle for liberty.5 Indeed, recalling the coming of Lafayette,
"the friend of America,"6 who came to aid us in "the establishment
of the great public principles of liberty,"7 it is pointed out how
difficulties beset him.

2 Lewis and Rowland, The Silent Readers Fourth Reader, pp. 7-12.

3Elson Readers Book Two, pp. 154-57. See for "A Brave Little French-
man," Lewis and Rowland, Fourth Reader, pp. 204-7.

4 Lewis and Rowland, The Silent Readers Fifth Reader, pp. 132-33.
Found also in Lincoln Readers Fourth Reader, pp. 263-65.

"Greene, My Country's Voice, pp. 137-38.

6 Ibid., p. 29.

7 Baker and Thorndike, Everyday Classics Seventh Reader, pp. 162-63.
See also "The Lafayette Rose," in Heart of America Readers Fifth Reader,
pp. 126-33.

THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER NATIONS 197

You may well believe that the kind and all the other high-and-
mighty ones by whom the young marquis was surrounded did not share

in his sympathy for liberty Lafayette had to steal out of

France in disguise and set sail from a Spanish port in a vessel bought
for the purpose with his own money.

He came! He helped us to conquer! .... And it was chiefly
due to him — who came to the help of America when he had to run
away to do it — that the government of France later sent over a con-
siderable land force under the Count de Rochambeau, and a fleet of
warships to aid in the struggle for American Liberty

We Americans love to remember that Lafayette went back to
France, and there helped to establish — after the pattern of America
— the glorious Republic of France.

Vive La France!8

GERMANY IN THE READERS

In sharp contrast to the reading of excerpts from prose and
poetry extolling the virtues of France are those relating to Ger-
many. Not only are the military tactics of the Germans con-
demned, but the educational policies and the general character-
istics of social and political life come in for criticism.

How was it possible for the ruling class in Germany [during the
World War] to hold seventy million people to a war program which
subjected them to so much suffering and sacrifice [Lewis and Rowland
ask] ? By far the most satisfactory answer to this question is to be
found in the organization of the German schools as they were before
the World War. Indeed, the striking contrasts between autocracy and
democracy are at no point more clearly revealed than in the differences
between the Imperial German system of education and a democratic
system like the United States.9

To tell the complete and unconscious subjection of the German
soldier to the military system is the purpose of "Catching a Spy."
According to the story, during the World War a German naval
officer; acting as a spy, in the disguise of an American, was known
to be trying to return to Germany through London and Holland.
The story tells how the spy had nearly convinced the investigator

"Greene, op. cit., pp. 31-33.

9 Lewis and Rowland, The Silent Readers Eighth Reader, pp. 88-93.

198 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

that he was the wrong man, when suddenly the admiral shouted
to him in German:

"How dare you stand, like that when you are speaking to a superior
officer?"

The suspect straightened his back, his heels clicked, and his hand
was half way up to the salute before he could control himself. It
was then too late, and after the arrest the proofs were found. The
admiral knew that, if the man were surprised, no exercise of will
could prevent him from responding to an order in the typical manner
of a German officer.10

It was against such a system that it is alleged that America
entered the World War. Indeed, just as we had warred against
the "oppressive rule" of George III, who in reality was "a Ger-
man, who had the same absurd ideas of the divine right of kings
that Kaiser Wilhelm had," so we engaged in the World War
against Kaiser Wilhelm for democratic principles to be main-
tained throughout the world.11

The blame for the War is clearly fixed upon Kaiser Wilhelm
and his immediate associates. According to Baldwin,

The last great conspiracy against democracy and human liberty
originated in the German empire and was planned and conducted
chiefly by the Kaiser, William Hohenzollern, and his officers and sub-
ordinates. From the time of his accession to the throne, the Kaiser's
chief ambition was the attainment of world empire, the exaltation
of himself as the "All-Highest," or the supreme ruler by divine right,
and the suppression and overthrow of democracy.12

At another point, Baldwin continues the theme:

You know the results [of the World War] .... and how by
the treaty of peace many peoples hitherto helpless and enthralled
were awarded the priceless gift of freedom. The forces of autocracy
had been routed and overthrown. The world would henceforth be safe
for democracy. LIBERTY was triumphant.13

In the reproducing of documents like the President's Address
to Congress, April 2, 1917, many readers carry for the upper
10 Lewis and Rowland, The Silent Readers Seventh Reader, p. 237.

11 Ibid., pp. 291-95.

12 Baldwin, The Story of Liberty, pp. 235-36. " Ibid., pp. 239-40.

THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER NATIONS 199

grades the same ideas as those given in story form for younger
children. But undoubtedly the poetry and prose directly relating
the hardships, sacrifice, and achievements of the fighting forces
have the most pronounced effect on the pupils who read them.
Such are poems like "In Flanders Fields," appearing in several
of the readers.14

In Flanders fields the poppies blow
Between the crosses, row on row,

That mark our place; and in the sky

The larks still bravely singing fly,
Scarce heard amidst the guns below.

We are the dead. Short days ago
We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow,
Loved and were loved, and now we lie
In Flanders fields.

Take up our quarrel with the foe.
To you, from failing hands, we throw
The torch. Be yours to hold it high!
If ye break faith with us who die
We shall not sleep, though poppies grow
In Flanders fields.

Then follows, in some of the books, "The Pledge" and "The
Fulfillment," reproduced here to show the character of the poetry
of the World War period.

AMERICA'S ANSWER

Rest ye in peace, ye Flanders dead,
The fight that ye so bravely led
We've taken up. And we will keep
True faith with you who lie asleep
With each a cross to mark his bed,

™Elson Readers Book Seven, p. 496; Lewis and Rowland, The Silent
Readers Eighth Reader, p. 3; Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Fifth Tear,
p. 304; Fryer, The Young American Readers Community Interest and Public
Spirit, p. 277.

200 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

And poppies blowing overhead,

Where once his own life blood ran red.

So let your rest be sweet and deep

In Flanders Fields.
Fear not that ye have died for naught.
The torch ye threw to us we caught.
Ten million hands will hold it high,
And Freedom's light shall never die!
We've learned the lesson that ye taught

In Flanders Fields.15

THE FULFILLMENT

In Flanders fields the poppies bloom
Above your lovely, hallowed tomb,
That your brave deeds may never die.
The torch of freedom lifted high
Shall shine forever where you lie.
No more in Flanders fields will grow
The crosses, endless row on row,
For crushed and conquered lies the foe.
We kept the faith — We've seen it through,
Our myriad dead lie dead with you
In Flanders fields.

Sweet be your rest! Our task is done;
The tramp of armies, boom of gun
And furious cry of savage Hun
Are silent now. The victory's won!
Peace to your souls! The victory's won
In Flanders fields.16

Another poem, which can in no degree stir anything but hate
for Germany in the pupil who reads it, is "War's Recompense,"
taken from the National School Service by authors of readers.
This poem is said to have been found on the body of an unknown

15 Hartwell, op. cit., p. 305; Elson Readers Book Seven, p. 476; Lewis and
Rowland, The Silent Readers Eighth Reader, p. 4.

16 By Rev. J. A. Williams, Lewis and Rowland, The Silent Readers Eighth
Reader, pp. 5-6.

THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER NATIONS 201

Australian soldier who died on the Western front of France dur-
ing the war.

Ye that have faith to look with fearless eyes
Beyond the tragedy of a world at strife,
And know that out of death and night shall rise
The dawn of ampler life,
Rejoice, whatever anguish rend the heart,
That God has given you a priceless dower,
To live in these great times and have your part
In freedom's crowning hour;
That you may tell your sons who see the light
High in the heavens — their heritage to take —
"I saw the powers of Darkness put to flight;
I saw the morning break."17

ENGLAND IN THE READERS

Since the World War the readers have mirrored a new and
affectionate regard for England. A sense of kinship of English-
speaking peoples has become articulate. As Washington Allston
has put it in his poem "America to Great Britain":

All Hail! thou noble land!
Our fathers' native soil!

and further:

While the manners, while the arts

That mold a nation's soul

Still cling around our hearts,

Between let Ocean roll.

Our joint communion breaking with the sun;

Yet still from either beach

The voice of blood shall reach,

More audible than speech,

"We are One!"18

In this spirit there is reproduced the speech of Balfour, July,
1917, on "Our Mutual Interests," in which he pointed with a
special satisfaction to the progress of the United States because

"Ibid. "Baldwin, The Story of Liberty, p. 204.

202 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

"the thirteen colonies were British colonies" ; because "the thir-
teen colonies, in spite of small controversies, grew up, broadly
speaking, under the protection of England" ; because

the men who founded the great American republic, the men whose
genius contrived its Constitution, their forefathers who, struggling in
the wilderness, gradually developed the basis of all that has happened
since, were men speaking the English language, obeying and believ-
ing in English laws, and nourished upon English literature.

And then he concludes that the World War had bound to-
gether forever "the two great branches of the English-speaking
race" for "one common purpose in one common understanding."19

Regardless, however, of the spirit of comradeship of the World
War, there still appears in the readers much anti-British litera-
ture of the Revolutionary War period. There frequently are
found such stories as "The Boy, the Bees and the British," in
which is told the episode of British soldiers robbing a Virginia
home of food and horses, and how the wit of a little boy, by
setting loose the bees upon the "Red Coats" as they were trying
to take "Old Bay," a horse, saved the day. Then the boy ran and
brought American soldiers. "So it was that the brave young
American boy found a way to help his country, even though he
could not, join Washington's army. For the four hundred British
soldiers were captured, and it was Jack with his angry bees who
brought it about."20

There are many other stories of like sentiment, such as "How
Andy Helped To Capture the Redcoats," a story of the capture
of a small British force by a frontiersman and Andy ;21 "Betty's
Ride," the story of a little Quakeress, left alone at home near a
besieged church, and how she carried a message to Washington
although pursued by the British ;22 the story of "Jabez Rockwell's
Powder Horn";23 and the story of "A Patriot of Georgia," in
which is narrated the incidents surrounding a legendary char-

19 Ibid., pp. 224-26.

™Elson Readers Book Three, pp. 163-68.

21 Natural Method Readers Third Reader, pp. 257-66.

22 Child Library Readers Book Five, pp. 177-84.

23 Natural Method Readers Third Reader, pp. 3-19.

THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER NATIONS 203

acter, Robert Sallette, who pursued the British with "ferocity."24
Others might be named, but these will serve to illustrate.

Besides stories glorifying the achievements of mythical char-
acters, there are those found both in prose and poetry and based
upon truth, such as "A Tea Party," the story of the Boston Tea
Party ;25 "A Tea Party," the story of Edenton, North Carolina,
women refusing to drink tea because it was taxed ;26 and "At Valley
Forge," a narrative of the trials of the winter at Valley Forge.27
A popular story is that of "A Visit to General Marion's Head-
quarters," in which is told the story of a British officer visiting
Marion, encamped north of Charleston, to see about the exchange
of prisoners. Here the British officer saw American soldiers
dressed in cast-off or captured uniforms of the British fighting
forces. Marion himself was dressed in homespun and had only
sweet potatoes for dinner. The British officer learned that the
Americans were getting no pay except that of fighting for liberty.
He was so impressed that he could fight no more and returned to
England.28

Excerpts from speeches, journals, diaries, reminiscences, and
similar material appear, such as "Patrick Henry's Speech" of
the phrase "Give me liberty or give me death" ;29 "Lexington and
Concord," from William Emerson's Journal'™ "A Famous Pro-
test against the American War," by William Pitt ;31 "Burke Ad-
vocates Conciliation with America," by Edmund Burke;32 "The

24Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Seventh Year, pp. 85-87.

25 Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Sixth Year, pp. 158-60.

16 Lincoln Readers Fourth Reader, pp. 117-19.

-' Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Sixth Year, pp. 383-84.

28 Heart of America Readers Fourth Reader, pp. 93-95. See also Horace
Mann Readers Fifth Reader, pp. 131-35.

29 Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Seventh Year, pp. 343-46. See also
Baker and Thorndike, Everyday Classics Seventh Reader, pp. 150-53. Heath
Sixth Readers, pp. 212-15; Haliburton Readers Fifth Reader, pp. 217-21;
Horace Mann Eighth Reader, pp. 111-12; Elson Readers Book Seven, pp.
275-78.

30 Ibid., pp. 304-6.

31 Horace Mann Sixth Reader, p. 277.

32 Ibid., pp. 276-77. See also Baker and Thorndike, Everyday Classics
Seventh Reader, pp. 154-59.

204 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Boston Massacre," by Nathaniel Hawthorne;33 and the "Sup-
posed Speech of John Adams on the Declaration of Independ-
ence," by Daniel Webster.34

"Concord Hymn," by Ralph Waldo Emerson, appears in
readers the most frequently of any of the poems of this epoch.35
Other popular selections are "General Joseph Warren's Ad-
dress," by John Pierpont,36 "Paul Revere's Ride," by Longfellow,37
"The Minute Men of '76," by George William Curtis.38 "The
Marching Song of Stark's Men," by Edward Everett Hale,39
"Song of Marion's Men," by William Cullen Bryant,40 and "In-
dependence Bell."41

Many other illustrations of the preservation of the literature
of this period might be given. All tend to fire the imagination
and to kindle sympathy for the colonies. Direct and intimate
messages to the pupil from heroic characters are found in pas-
sages such as "The Capture of Ticonderoga," by Ethan Allen.
Here Allen uses, with persuasiveness, descriptive adjectives and

33 Horace Mann Eighth Reader, pp. 104-9.

34 Baker and Thorndike, Everyday Classics Sixth Reader, pp. 264-67.
See also Heath Sixth Reader, pp. 243^6.

35 Horace Mann Fifth Reader, pp. 393-94; The Natural Method Readers
Fifth Reader, p. 339; Baker and Thorndike, Everyday Classics Sixth Reader,
p. 262; Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Sixth Year, p. 385; Heath Sixth
Reader, p. 311; Gordon, Fifth Reader, p. 203; Haliburton Readers Fifth
Reader, p. 226.

MElson Readers Book Seven, p. 274; Horace Mann Sixth Reader, pp.
287-88; Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Seventh Tear, p. 335.

37 Horace Mann Sixth Reader, pp. 278-83; Baldwin, op. cit., pp. 118-23;
Hartwell, Story Hour Readers Fourth Year, pp. 168-73; Merrill Readers
Fifth Reader, pp. 148-53.

38 Horace Mann Sixth Reader, pp. 284-87; Haliburton Fifth Reader,
pp. 221-25.

39 Heart of America Readers Fourth Reader, p. 80.

40 Horace Mann Fifth Reader, pp. 135-37; Baker and Thorndike, Every-
day Classics Fifth Reader, pp. 190-92; Gordon, Fifth Reader, pp. 230-32;
Haliburton Fourth Reader; Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Fourth Year,
pp. 174-96; Elson Readers Book Seven, pp. 285-87.

41 Merrill Readers Fifth Reader, pp. 204-6; Hartwell, Story Hour Read-
ings[ Fifth Year, pp. 381-84; The New Barnes Readers Book Four, pp.
233-38.

THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER NATIONS 205

dynamic verbs in a sentence such as the following: "The first
systematic and bloody attempt at Lexington to enslave America
thoroughly electrified my mind and fully determined me to take
part with my country."42 Selections in which Anglo-American
relations are detailed from the writings of Washington Irving,
Nathaniel Hawthorne, Jared Sparks, Thomas Paine, and George
Bancroft proceed in similar channel.43

Stories of heroic character found in the readers attest to the
popularity of the heroes of the Revolution and the preceding
period: Nathan Hale, who mourned that he could lose but one
life for liberty;44 Molly Pitcher and her bravery;45 John Paul
Jones ;46 Robert Morris, "a great citizen" of America ;47 and
Washington, about whom are many stories of his childhood to
his later manhood.48

Thomas Jefferson,49 John Smith,50 and William Penn51 re-
ceive a share of the plaudits. The Pilgrims are also immortalized,

42 Horace Mann Seventh Reader, pp. 74-77.

43 Baker and Thorndike, Everyday Classics Seventh Reader, pp. 137-49;
Horace Mann Seventh Reader, pp. 2-3; Horace Mann "Eighth Reader, pp.
243-50, 136-43; Heart of America Readers, pp. 109-13; Elson Readers Book
Seven, pp. 288-89; Heath Readers Fifth Reader, pp. 75-79.

44 Horace Mann Eighth Reader, pp. 115-17.

45 Hart well, Story Hour Readings Seventh Year, pp. 57-59; Lincoln
Readers Fourth Reader, pp. 258-62.

40 Horace Mann Readers Sixth Reader, pp. 354-75.
47Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Sixth Year, pp. 379-82.

48 Lewis and Rowland, The Silent Readers Fifth Reader, pp. 72-74; New
Education Readers Book Two, p. 131; Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Sixth
Year, pp. 201-2, Fifth Year, pp. 326-31, Fourth Year, pp. 162-67, Seventh
Year, pp. 161-67, Eighth Year, pp. 302-3; Searson and Martin, Studies in
Reading First Grade, p. 63; Baker and Thorndike, Everyday Classics Sixth
Reader, pp. 258-60, 251-56, Third Reader, pp. 245-46; Natural Method
Readers Third Reader, pp. 204-5; Horace Mann Sixth Reader, pp. 333-41,
Fifth Reader, pp. 382-86, Eighth Reader, pp. 250-52, 131-33; Haliburton
Readers Fifth Reader, pp. 227-32; Elson Readers Book Five, pp. 110-12;
Monroe and Miller, The American Spirit a Basis for World Democracy,
pp. 33-^3.

49 Heath Reader Fifth Reader, pp. 121-26.

"Lewis and Rowland, The Silent Readers Seventh Reader, pp. 238-43.
"Lewis and Rowland, The Silent Readers Fifth Reader, pp. 170-86.

206 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

particularly by a poem like Felicia Hemans' "The Landing of
the Pilgrims."52 In many cases there is a carrying-over of hostil-
ity to England provoked by a recital of so-called oppression and
restrictive acts of the mother-country.

"Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Sixth Year, pp. 377-78; Baldwin,
The Story of Liberty, pp. 74-75. See also for other things: Nicholson, Heart
of America Readers Fifth Reader, p. 12; Lincoln Third Reader, pp. 56-60;
Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Eighth Year, pp. 293-94; Heath Reader Sixth
Reader, pp. 84-85; Pratt, Stories of Colonial Children, pp. 9-10.

CHAPTER XX
THE AMERICAN AND HIS COUNTRY

Many of the readers which contain literature of a historical
and patriotic character are eminently successful in having col-
lected selections of strong emotional appeal. They are charged
with realism and with those qualities which vividly stir the imagi-
nation. Of all the books examined in this study none are more
filled with powerful emotional passages than are the readers.
Perhaps this is due to the great number of excerpts from orations
delivered at times of national stress, perhaps to the great number
of poems of heroic struggle and sacrifice, and perhaps to the
able manner of presentation in the fictitious episodes intended
to kindle and inflame the imagination of the one reading.

Much space is devoted to the flag, including the story of its
origin, its symbolism, and the achievements of the country it
represents. "The flag" has a place in even the first reader de-
signed for the most elementary grade. It is also found in those
books to be used in the upper grades. Of the well-known poems
about the flag there appear most frequently "Your Flag and My
Flag," by Wilbur D. Nesbit,1 "The American Flag," by J. R.
Drake,2 "The Flag Goes By," by Henry Holcomb Bennett,3
"Union and Liberty," by Oliver Wendell Holmes,4 and "The

*The New Barnes Readers Book Three, pp. 30-31; Horace Mann Fourth
Reader, p. 158; Natural Method Readers Third Reader, pp. 267-68.

2 Horace Mann Seventh Reader, pp. 306-8; Baker and Thorndike, Every-
day Classics Seventh Reader, pp. 371-73; Baldwin, The Story of Liberty,
p. 147; Merrill Readers Fifth Reader, p. 109; Lyman and Hill, Literature
and Living, Book Three, p. 389.

B Smith, The Easy Road to Reading Third Reader, pp. 310-11; Natural
Method Readers Third Reader, pp. 1-2; Elson Readers Book Two, p. 153,
Book Seven, pp. 462-63.

4 Heath Sixth Reader, pp. 43-44.

207

208 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Flag," by Arthur Macy.5 The sentiment in all is much the same
as the following:

FLAG O* MY LAND

Up to the breeze of the morning I fling you,
Blending your folds with the dawn in the sky,
There let the people behold you, and bring you
Love and devotion that never shall die.
Proudly, agaze at your glory, I stand,
Flag o' my land! Flag o' my land!

Standard most glorious, banner of beauty,

Whither you beckon me there will I go,

Only to you, after God, is my duty;

Unto no other allegiance I owe.

Heart of me, soul of me, yours to command,

Flag o' my land! Flag o' my land!

Pine to palmetto and ocean to ocean,
Though of strange nations we get our increase,
Here are your worshipers one in devotion.
Whether the bugles blow battle or peace,
Take us and make us your patriot band,
Flag o' my land! Flag o' my land!

— T. A. DALYS

Typical of prose selection is Franklin K. Lane's "The Makers
of the Flag," which appears in several of the upper elementary
grade readers.7 Many of the poems and pieces and prose seek
to bring out what Henry Ward Beecher has said:

A thoughtful mind, when it sees a nation's flag, sees not the flag
only, but the nation itself; and whatever may be its symbols, its

5 Heart of America Readers, pp. 269-70; Lyman and Hill, Literature and
Living, Book Three, p. 383; Horace Mann Readers Introductory Fourth
Reader, p. 157.

6 Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Sixth Year, p. 212.

7 Els on Readers Book Seven, pp. 441^13; Nicholson, Heart of America
Readers Fifth Reader, pp. 4-7; Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Fifth Year,
pp. 394-97; Lewis and Rowland, The Silent Readers Eighth Reader, pp.
219-21; Lyman and Hill, Literature and Living, Book Three, pp. 387-89.

THE AMERICAN AND HIS COUNTRY 209

insignia, he reads chiefly in the flag the government, the principles,
the truths, the history, which belong to the nation which sets it
forth

This nation has a banner, too; and wherever it streamed abroad,
men saw daybreak bursting on their eyes, for the American flag has
been the symbol of liberty and men rejoiced in it. Not another flag
on the globe has such an errand, or went forth upon the seas, carry-
ing everywhere, the world around, such hope for the captive, and
such glorious tidings

Let us then twine each thread of the glorious tissue of our coun-
try's flag about our heartstrings; and looking upon our homes and
catching the spirit that breathes upon us from the battlefields of our
fathers, let us resolve, come weal or woe, we will, in life and in death,
now and forever, stand by the Stars and Stripes.8

The flag is closely associated in song and story with the
achievements and sorrows of the battlefield. "Flag of the heroes
who left us their glory," sings Holmes;9 and "Washed in the
blood of the brave and the blooming";10

Sing of the banner that aye shall be

Symbol of honor and victory!

Don't you thrill when the marching feet

Of jubilant soldiers shake the street,

And the bugles shrill, and the trumpets call.

And the red, white, and blue is over us all!11

Not only is the flag associated with the "glories" of the battle-
field, but it is held to represent "the home of the free and the

8 Heath Fifth Reader, pp. 348-51; Horace Mann Eighth Reader, pp.
133-36; Elson Readers Book Seven, pp. 460-61; "The American Flag," by
Henry Ward Beecher.

9 "Union and Liberty;" Horace Mann Seventh Reader, pp. 226-27; also
in Fifth Reader, pp. 377-78.

10 Ibid., pp. 197-98, "God Save the Flag," by Oliver Wendell Holmes.

"Heart of America Readers Third Reader, pp. 242-43, "A Song of Our
Flag," by Margaret E. Sangster. Many similar quotations might be given.

210 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

land of the brave,"12 a land "always standing for the right" ;13
a land "that will not let anyone be oppressed,"14 "a sign of
brotherhood and good will to all nations."15

The flag, then, is said to be expressive of that citizenship
toward which the pupil is admonished to strive, and of the Ameri-
canism which is believed desirable in all peoples under American
protection. To that end creeds and pledges of allegiance are pro-
posed for memorization. Of these there are the well-known "Ameri-
can's Creed," "The Pledge to the Flag," and the "Pledge of the
Athenian Youths." In addition there are many of the type re-
produced here, under such a caption as the following, "Civic
Creed for the Boys and Girls of the Great Republic" :

God has made one blood all nations of men, and we are his chil-
dren, brothers and sisters all. We are citizens of these United States
and we believe our Flag stands for self-sacrifice for the good of all
the people. We want, therefore, to be true citizens of our great coun-
try and will show our love for her by our works. Our country does
not ask us to die for her welfare only — she asks us to live for her,
and so to live and so to act that her government may be pure, her
officers honest, and every corner of her territory a place fit to grow
the best men and women, who shall rule over her.16

There is also similar sentiment voiced in "A Creed of Ameri-
canism," by William H. Keller:

There are many reasons why I should be proud of my native land
and loyal to it and its institutions.

My native land, the United States of America, was the first to

12 Searson and Martin, Studies in Reading First Grade, p. 14, Third Grade,
p. 118; "The Star Spangled Banner" and "America," among other patriotic
poems set to music, appear frequently. See Hartwell, Story Hour Readings
Fifth Year, pp. 397-98; Horace Mann Fifth Reader, pp. 381-82; Haliburton
Fifth Reader, pp. 195-97; Elson Readers Book Five, pp. 104-5; Elson
Readers Book Two, pp. 152-53; Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Fourth
Year, pp. 182-83; Baker and Thorndike, Everyday Classics Third Reader,
pp. 247-48; Gordon, Second Reader, p. 88; New Education Readers Book
Two, p. 135.

"Gordon, Second Reader, p. 74.

"Haliburton Fifth Reader, pp. 198-202, "The Meaning of the Flag," by
Charles F. Dole.

15 Ibid. ™ Heart of America Readers Third Reader, p. 244.

THE AMERICAN AND HIS COUNTRY 211

declare that all men have inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness.

Carrying out this declaration, the United States has a form in
which we all are equal before the law. There is no position in the
government to which any of us may not attain. Poor boys have
attained the presidency of the United States, a greater honor than
the throne held by any European monarch.

By the union of states our government gives each of us a greater
range of civilized country to travel in than any other nation in his-
tory

My country gives me the right to think, speak, and write my
thoughts, and try to persuade my fellow citizens to think as I do
provided that I do not incite them to violent action and do not inter-
fere with the liberty of any other citizen.

My country permits me to worship God according to the dictates
of my conscience, and permits no union of church and government
nor any favors to any form of religious belief.

My country with its public schools enables me to learn the thoughts
and understand the achievements of the great and wise men of all the
ages. The public school places the poor boy on a level with the rich
boy and enables the attentive and studious boy to win the honors,
regardless of the wealth of his parents

My country has become a beacon light to all the other peoples of
the earth, summoning them to leave the darkness of ignorance and
dwell in the glorious light of liberty.

So again I pledge allegiance to you, the flag of my native land,
beautiful banner of the brave and the free, and I thank God, who
gave me life, that I am able to say, I am an American.17

Obligations to the world at large are occasionally mentioned.
Lyman and Hill, for example, have a section in Book III of
Literature and Living on "Promoting World Fellowship." Here
are given extracts from literature proposing and glorifying peace

17 Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Sixth Year, pp. 392-93. Among others,
pledges are found in Baker-Thorndike, Everyday Classics Second Reader,
p. 188; Heart of America Readers Third Reader, p. 244; Lincoln Readers
Sixth Reader, pp. 34-37; Merrill Readers Sixth Reader, p. 138; The Child's
World Second Reader, p. 128; Lewis and Rowland, The Silent Readers Eighth
Reader, p. 103.

212 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

for the world. "The Fatherland," by James Russell Lowell, is
one of the selections given, and the last stanza may serve to
present the sentiment of these authors in the section devoted to
the general subject of world-fellowship:

Where'er a single slave doth pine,
Where'er one man may help another, —
Thank God for such a birthright, brother —
That spot of earth is thine and mine!
There is the true man's birthplace grand,
His is the world-wide fatherland!18

Although war is glorified to a greater degree than the achieve-
ments of peace in most of the readers, one, however, finds such
selections as "Daily Service," by Susan Coolidge, in which the
man of true and simple life is said to "serve his country best."19
"What Constitutes a State," by William Jones,20 "The Army
of Peace" and "Who Patriots Are," by Charles F. Dole,21 "True
Patriotism," by Benjamin Harrison,22 and "Your Best and Hard-
est Job," by Hildegarde Hawthorne.23

But patriotic service, as it has been said before, receives the
most striking eulogy when it represents service on the battlefield.24
The "homeland," its glories and blessings, cannot be more stir-

18Lyman and Hill, Literature and Living, Book Three, p. 540.

19 Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Sixth Year, pp. 390-91.

20 Horace Mann Eighth Reader, p. 83.

"Gordon, Fifth Reader, pp. 192-93; Heath Readers Fourth Reader,
pp. 192-97.

22 Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Seventh Year, pp. 350-51.

23 Child Library Readers Book Five, pp. 169-75.

24 Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Seventh Year, pp. 329-30; Heart of
America Readers Third Reader, pp. 325-30; Lewis and Rowland, The Silent
Readers Eighth Reader, pp. 160, 208-11, 212-15, Seventh Reader, pp. 159-66,
78-82, 25-27; Baker and Thorndike, Everyday Classics Sixth Reader, p. 272;
Elson Readers Book Three, pp. 169-70; Field First Reader, pp. 131-38;
Baker and Thorndike, Everyday Classics Seventh Reader, pp. 364-67, Fifth
Reader, p. 195; Searson and Martin, Studies in Reading Third Grade,
p. 233; and many others.

THE AMERICAN AND HIS COUNTRY 213

ringly real than in Hale's "The Man without a Country."25 On
the whole, the following quotations may summarize the greater
portion of content devoted to inculcating attitudes, national and
international :

Let our object be our country, our whole country, and nothing but
our country. And by the blessing of God, may that country itself
become a vast and splendid monument, not of oppression and terror,
but of wisdom, of peace, and of liberty, upon which the world may
gaze with admiration forever.26

We stand the latest, and if we fail, probably the last experiment of
self-government by the people. We have begun it under circumstances
of the most auspicious nature. We are in the vigor of youth. Our
growth has never been checked by the oppressions of tyranny. Our
constitutions have never been enfeebled by the vices and luxuries of
the Old World.

Such as we are, we have been from the beginning simple, hardy,
intelligent, accustomed to self-government and self-respect. The At-
lantic rolls between us and any formidable foe. Within our own terri-
tory, stretching through many degrees of latitude and longitude, we
have the choice of many products and many means of independence.

The government is mild. The press is free. Religion is free. Knowl-
edge reaches or may reach every home 27

All of us belong to the same great country — the United States of
America. It is the country of Washington and Lincoln. We believe
it is the best country in the world. It is our duty as its citizens to
love it, defend it, and to make it better in every way we can.28

And

We must have in this country only one flag — the American flag;
and but one loyalty — that to the United States.29

25 Lyman and Hill, Literature and Living, Book Three, pp. 358-74; Horace
Mann Eighth Reader, pp. 269-301.

M From Daniel Webster, Horace Mann Sixth Reader, p. 343.

27 Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Eighth Year, pp. 304-6.

28 Hartwell, Story Hour Readings Fourth Year, p. 147.

29 Baldwin, op. cit., frontispiece quoted from Theodore Roosevelt.

PART V
TEXTBOOKS IN MUSIC AND FOREIGN LANGUAGE

CHAPTER XXI
MUSIC

It has been said that music is the one universal language;
assuredly there is no bond among peoples whose strength is
greater or whose appeal stronger. To speak of its potency in

ELEMENTARY SCHOOL MUSIC BOOKS

Title

Collection or Series

No. Songs in
Book

Percentage of
Songs of
National and
International
Character

Music Primer

Eleanor Smith

152

3 8

Book I

Eleanor Smith

145

2 7

Book II

Eleanor Smith

210

3 8

Book III

Eleanor Smith

206

6 7

Book IV

Eleanor Smith

159

14

Songs of Childhood
Introductory Music
Juvenile Music

Music Education Series
Music Education Series
Music Education Series

130

182
158

4

4
6 9

Elementary Music . . .

Music Education Series

209

9

Intermediate Music
Three Part Music
Junior Music

Music Education Series
Music Education Series
Music Education Series

208
153
164

12.9
10
12 8

First Year Music

Hollis Dann Music Course

166

3

Second Year Music

Hollis Dann Music Course

71

5 6

Third Year Music

Hollis Dann Music Course

108

4 5

Fourth Year Music
Fifth Year Music

Hollis Dann Music Course
Hollis Dann Music Course

154
156

9
3 8

Sixth Year Music

Hollis Dann Music Course

159

7

Junior Songs

Hollis Dann Music Course

138

21

First Book of Songs.

Foresman

98

9

Second Book of Songs

Foresman

111

9

Third Book of Songs.

Foresman

127

11

Fourth Book of Songs
Fifth Book of Songs

Foresman
Foresman

125
172

9
11

Book I

Progressive Music Series

192

4

Book II

Progressive Music Series

243

5

Book III

Progressive Music Series

207

4

Book IV

Progressive Music Series

151

10

Lyric Music Primer. . . .

Johnston and Loomis

106

4

Lyric First Reader

Johnston and Loomis

198

8

Lyric Second Reader
Lyric Third Reader

Johnston and Loomis
Johnston and Loomis

208
231

7
13

Primer

Universal School Music Series

102

2

Book II

Universal School Music Series

266

3

Book III

Universal School Miusic Series

224

5

Book IV . .

Universal School M^usic Series

154

15

217

218

CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

rousing the emotions is a commonplace. One does not need to
think far back in his own experience to envisage the effect of
flying banners and soldiers marching to fife and drum. Nor is
it difficult to recall the quickening of the pulse at the singing
of patriotic hymns.

In the phase of this study devoted to an analysis of books in
music commonly found in the schools, fifty books were examined,
ranging from the elementary grades through the senior high

INTERMEDIATE GRADES, JUNIOR AND SENIOR
HIGH SCHOOL

Title

Collector

No. Songs in
Book

Percentage of
Songs of
National and
International
Character

Grammar School Songs

Farnsworth

84

4 7

The Laurel Unison Book. . . .
Junior Laurel Songs

Armitage
Armitage

165

267

20
10

Senior Laurel Songs
The Lake High School Song
Book

Armitage
White

357
178

8.6
8

Songs We Like To Sing
The American Song Book . . .
Twice 55 Community Songs
No. 1: The Brown Book. .
Twice 55 Community Songs
No. 2: The Green Book. . .
Glee and Chorus Book
Art Songs for High School . . .
The Junior Song and Chorus
Book

Alexander
Levermore

Birchard (publisher)

Birchard (publisher)
NeCollins
Earhart

Giddings and Newton

110
122

120

138
110
160

116

12
25

15

9.3
12.7
6.8

12

The School Song Book

McConathy

197

15

school. The statement in the accompanying tables summarizes the
proportion devoted to songs carrying national and international
points of view.

"America" appears in all the books examined; "The Star
Spangled Banner" is found in nearly four-fifths (35 books) ; "Co-
lumbia, the Gem of the Ocean" in two-fifths (20) ; "America the
Beautiful" in three-tenths (15) ; "Battle Hymn of the Republic"
in approximately one-fifth (11) ; "Hail Columbia" in approxi-
mately one-sixth (8) ; and "Yankee Doodle" in about one-tenth
(6). "Speed Our Republic," "The Battle Cry of Freedom,"
"America for Me," "America," by Sidney Lanier, and the "New

MUSIC 219

American Hymn," by Soule, are among other patriotic songs
appearing less than five times.

In many of the songs the same concepts gleaned from a study
of textbooks in academic fields may be gained. America, in song,
is a land of freedom as in "Our Native Song" ; a land also of
plenty and peace as well as freedom in such a song as "My Coun-
try," found in the Smith Fourth Book.1 "Liberty" and "free-
dom," for which our "forefathers fought and died," especially
lend themselves to poetic fancy. Because of the blessings thus
bestowed the music books admonish a loyalty to country which
expresses itself in service in time of war.2

With the earliest primer the qualities needed for a good soldier
and the glory of service to country are emphasized. In this con-
nection it may be well to quote from "The Sergeant" intended
for singing in the fourth to sixth grades, and typical of many
songs found:

Come, noble lads, enlist with me
And life in earnest you shall see,
I'll lead you on to fame.

Why waste your life in ploughing fields?
Content if you can earn your needs,
Why be so poor and tame?

Now hear the rolling drums resound,
Come leave your fields for nobler ground,
And win a soldier's name.

Another song of the same grade level is "Happy Is Our Soldier
Band":

Happy is our soldier band,
Happy is our soldier band,
Laughing still at care or sorrow,
Much today and naught tomorrow,

1 Eleanor Smith, Music Course, Book Four, p. 210.

2 For example, "America to Her Children," in Eleanor Smith's Music
Course, Book Three, p. 5. Also in "Fatherland's Psalm."

220 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Now on sea and now on land

Shrill and clear the fifes and trumpets sound,

Loudly clash the guns and cannons,

At the noise, exulting our bosoms bound,

Death or glory all demand,

Happy is our soldier band,

Happy is our soldier band.3

In Book One of the Eleanor Smith Music Course, the pupil
gains this impression:

Soldier lad, brave and glad,
Eyes a beaming, Colors gleaming,
Marching so, See him go
To fight his country's foe.4

Similar sentiment is expressed in Songs of Childhood:

"Soldier boy, soldier boy,

Where are you going,

Waving so proudly the red, white and blue?"
"I'm going to my country

When duty is calling;

If you'll be a soldier boy,

You may come, too."5

War is thus extolled in song and story. All of the books
examined have songs of this character. It would be needless rep-
etition to enumerate the many songs having the theme "Playing
Soldier," "The Parade," "The Soldier Song," and so forth.6 On
the other hand, although in the minority, some songs praising
peace are to be found. Such is that of "World Peace," by George

3 Eleanor Smith, Music Course, Book Four, pp. 32, 236.

4 Eleanor Smith, Music Course, Book One, p. 32.
6 Songs of Childhood, p. 140.

•Others are "War Song of the Hussites," "Weave in, My Hardy Life"
by Whitman, "When Johnny Comes Marching Home," "The Two Grenadiers,"
"Tramp, Tramp, Tramp," "Soldiers' Chorus" from Faust, "Sleep, Noble
Hearts" by Frederic Manley, "Roman War Hymn" from Rienzi, "The Red
Scarf" by Southey, "Our Patriot Fathers" from lolanthe, "Men of Harlech,"
"Marching Song," "March of Triumph," "Let Me Like a Soldier Fall."

MUSIC 221

Huntington, "The Spirit of Peace," by M. A. L. Lane, "Let
Peace Endure," by Katherine Whitmore, "Let Dread War Cease,"
"Hear O Ye Nations !" by Frederick L. Hosmer, and the "Anvil
Chorus," from II Trovatore.

Patriotism and love of country, as well as homage to the flag
and what it signifies, are praised in song from the first-grade
primer through the books intended for senior high school use.
Allegiance is pledged to the flag, the pledge of allegiance com-
monly found in civics and history textbooks being set to music.
Of the songs having a local color, "Dixie" and "Maryland, My
Maryland" appear most frequently.

Some of the books contain the national anthems or patri-
otic airs of other countries. The "Marseillaise" appears the most
often. Two books include "God Save the King" and "Rule Bri-
tannia." "The Watch on the Rhine" was found in four books,
but they were published before the World War. Other national
airs or songs containing material on other countries than Amer-
ica are "Swiss Battle Song," "In Sweden" by Lillian Vandevere,
"Santa Lucia," "Polish National Song," "Dombrowski's Men,"
"Polish Fatherland Song," "Poland Fair," "Norwegian Sailor
Song," "Sons of Dear Norway," "O Land of My Fathers" (Welsh
national song), "Japanese National Anthem," "Italian National
Anthem," "Italia," from Boccaccio, "Oh, Italia, Beloved," from
Lucrezia Borgia, "King Christian" (Danish national song),
"Come Back to Erin," "O, Canada," "Bohemia, My Father-
land," "Bohemian National Hymn," "Austrian National Hymn,"
and some Scotch songs.

CHAPTER XXII
TEXTBOOKS IN FOREIGN LANGUAGE

FRENCH

France, in the textbooks of the French language for the chil-
dren of our public schools, does not suffer in any degree, for she
is described as a beautiful, free country, whose government is a
republic with the motto "Liberty, Equality and Fraternity."1
Indeed, France is "queen of nations,"2 a great country of brave
soldiers and wise men.3

Service to country in time of war is given particular atten-
tion and high praise.4 Stories of a peasant's success in outwit-
ting the enemy (the Germans) by hitching his oxen up wrong
for their use,5 the surrender of the six burghers to England at
Calais to save their country,6 and incidents in warfare detailing
the bravery of children, as well as adults, are found in the pages
of the books examined.7 There is much emphasis placed upon
the love of the Frenchman for his country, and his willingness to
sacrifice all, if need be, in its behalf. "Love of country is one of
the great national virtues of this country," it is said; and the
bravery of soldiers in their country's service is described in glow-
ing terms.8

Joan of Arc, Charlemagne, and Napoleon are chief among
the heroic figures discussed in the textbooks read. Bravery, self-

*Me>as and Roth, Petits contes de France, p. 17; A. de Monvert, La Belle
France, p. 11.

2Labiche and Martin, Le voyage de Monsieur Perrichon, pp. 75, 13.

3 Lavisse, Histoire de France, p. 195.

4 Ibid., pp. 157-58, 64-67; Meras and Roth, op. cit., p. 55.
6M£ras and Roth, op. cit., p. 19.

6 Lavisse, op. cit., pp. 64-67.

7 Ibid., 67.

8 A. de Monvert, op. cit., p. 34; Me>as and Roth, op. cit., pp. 104-9; Lavisse,
op. cit., p. 154.

FOREIGN LANGUAGE 223

sacrifice, and devotion to country are virtues said to be exempli-
fied by them.9

Much attention in the readings is focused upon German-
French relations in which Alsace-Lorraine holds a conspicuous
place. The love of these people for France, their hatred for
Germany, and their ultimate deliverance are pictured in realistic
language.10 In the Phonetic Edition of Chardenal's Complete
French Course there are many examples of the unending animus
said to have existed between these two countries.

In the Chardenal Phonetic Edition the frontispiece is the pic-
ture of the statue by Mercie of an Alsatian woman seizing the
gun of a dying soldier, and symbolizing the defense of Belfort
in the Franco-German War of 1870. It is called "Quand Meeme !"
In the "Additional Selections for Reading" there is found much
to inspire the reader with a hatred for Germany. The first read-
ing, entitled "The Statue in Spite of Everything," describes the
statue of Strassburg. It declares that before the World War no
Frenchman Avas able to pass before this statue silent and veiled,
without seeing there the symbol of faithfulness in captivity, with-
out feeling a secret humiliation for the defeat of the country
and a remorse at the apparent indifference of France toward the
inhabitants of the annexed provinces — an indifference occasioned
because France would not have taken the responsibility of horrid
war in the hope of revenge. In silence and resignation, it is said,
France awaited the awakening of justice. And it was Germany
herself, the story goes on to say, who awakened it. It was Ger-
many who broke the Treaty of Frankfort. It was Germany who
let loose the war. Following the war, the statue was unveiled and
covered with flowers and the tricolor, according to the narrative,
for Alsace and Lorraine were French again.11

Another reading, "L'Alsace-Lorraine," carries the same gen-
eral idea of Alsatian love for France and hatred for Germany.

9 Meras and Roth, op. cit., pp. 109-13; Lavisse, op. cit., pp. 17-20, 78-85,
165-66; Meras and Roth, op. cit., pp. 122-26; A. de Monvert, op. cit., p. 18,
76; Mairet, La Tdche du petit Pierre, p. 60; Merim6e, Colombo,, p. 9.

10 Lavisse, op. cit., p. 175; Meras and Roth, op. cit., p. 56.

11 Chardenal, Complete French Course, Phonetic Edition, p. 364.

224 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Because they were separated from the mother-country "by vio-
lence," they are said never to have ceased, with a tenacity which
is the admiration of the world, to affirm their unshakable at-
tachment, their unalterable loyalty to France. The author points
out that the Germanization of a people so patriotic was difficult,
if not impossible. According to the census of 1895, he says that
160,000 were said to speak French habitually. In 1900, five years
later, 200,000, among whom were 52,000 children, spoke the
language of France. The affection of Alsace and Lorraine for
France is thus pictured as almost a religion. It became every-
where, the story declares, the mission of women to combat the
influence of German culture in teaching French secretly to the
children, and telling them the exploits of their ancestors in the
service of France. Then came the day of deliverance in the World
War, when, after forty-eight years, they were freed from German
rule. It was the end of a "long nightmare," the "realization of
a dream." The French uniform became the symbol of liberation,
the author declares.

The reading further narrates events connected with the cele-
brations attending the evacuation of the Germans. It ends with
the story of a little boy who, on the day of triumphal entry of
the French soldiers, ran to the cemetery and stopping before the
tomb of his grandfather, on which he placed a little tricolor,
cried out, "Grand-pere, il sont la !"12

These extracts are typical of the discussions attending Franco-
German relations in 1870. From the French books the reader in-
evitably conceives a dislike for the conqueror and a sympathy
for the conquered.

SPANISH

To the Spaniards is attributed, in the textbooks of Spanish,
the rare art of successful colonization. They are pictured as a
hardy people, able to overcome difficult obstacles, who are brave,
polite, and happy.13 In its past Spain is described as a great

12 Ibid., pp. 373-77.

13 Dorado, Primeras lecturas en Espanol, pp. 1, 48; Ibanez, Vistas
Sudamericanas, p. 16.

FOREIGN LANGUAGE 225

and powerful nation with immense colonies in the New World,14
to which it contributed as much as any nation of the time could
have contributed.15

ITALIAN

As may be expected, readings in textbooks in Italian deal
largely with Italian peoples and events. Among the former are
Cavour, Mazzini, and Garibaldi, all extolled and honored.16 Some
of the latter treat Italian efforts to gain freedom and unity,
particularly from 1815 to 1870.

In general, to Italy is ascribed, not only a "sunny climate,"
but a spirit of beauty reflecting itself in the works of man,17 yet
today afflicted by great illiteracy and ignorance.18 To the Ital-
ian peasant are attributed gentleness and natural goodness,
patience, industry, and frugality.19 Books point out that from
the Italian have come the works of men like Petrarch and Boc-
caccio, the architecture, sculpture, painting, and music of Dona-
tello, Verrochio, Michaelangelo, Leonard da Vinci, Raphael, Bel-
lini, Palestrina, Rossini, Verdi, and others.20 In the realm of
science the contributions of these people have been no less, it
is held, than in other things.

In excerpts relating to foreign relations, Austria comes in
for a fair share of attention.21 As in the French books, stories
narrating heroic exploits in war find a conspicuous place.22 The
American pupil reading these textbooks would conceive only re-
spect and liking for the Italian. On the other hand, in the books
read, there appeared far less of international animus in the nar-
ratives than in many other books analyzed.

"Dorado, op. cit., pp. 45-46.

16 Nelson, Spanish American Reader, pp. 314-15; Ibanez, op. cit., p. 16.

16 Van Home, II Resorimento.

"Wilkins and Marinoni, L'ltalia, p. 6.

18 Ibid., p. 23. 19 Ibid., p. 30.

20 Ibid., chaps, ix, x, xi.

21 See, for example, De Amicis, Cuore, pp. 56-65.

22 Ibid., pp. 12-14.

PART VI
OFFICIAL POLICIES

CHAPTER XXIII
LAWS AFFECTING CIVIC INSTRUCTION

As early as 1642 the American people evinced an interest in
the schools through promulgations respecting the character of
instruction — an interest which has persisted through legislation
to the present. These declarations at all times have reflected the
dominant interest of the period in which they were enacted, de-
parting from the purely religious purpose of education held by
the colonial fathers to that of the nationalism of the present day.

Following the entrance of the United States into the World
War, legislators and others came to be peculiarly sensitive as to
the character of American patriotism. During the war the appre-
hension that a disunited public opinion would prove the undoing
of the allies in arms led to the passage of laws regarding the
teaching of foreign languages in the public schools, the character
of instruction in history, and the speech and loyalty of teachers.
Since 1918 a wave of patriotic fervor has led to the passage of
many laws tending to develop a loyalty to country through the
required teaching of national history, the Constitution of the
United States, special observance days, and patriotic exercises
and legislation respecting the content of textbooks as well as
oaths of loyalty required of teachers.

STATUTES RELATING TO THE SOCIAL STUDY CURRICULUM
SINCE 1917

Beginning with 1917 there has been a steady increase in the
number of laws passed to require the teaching of the social stud-
ies, particularly American history and the Constitution of the
United States. Added to these requirements were frequently
found provisions making state history and civics mandatory.
Occasionally a statute prescribed courses in problems of democ-
racy, as well as other offerings in social and political science. All
were directed, however, toward promoting an understanding of

229

230 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

American citizenship as commonly conceived, including instruc-
tion to develop "a love of country and a devotion to the prin-
ciples of American government."1

By 1923 statutes of this nature were enacted by Arkansas,
New Hampshire, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Kentucky, Texas,
Delaware, Alabama, Georgia, Tennessee, Texas, California, New
York, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Ohio, Iowa, Kansas, Washing-
ton, Maine, Wisconsin, Michigan, Illinois, Nebraska, Oklahoma,
Colorado, Utah, Arizona, Nevada, New Mexico, Virginia, and
Idaho.2 From 1923 to 1927 sixteen states engaged in legislation

1See the law of Oklahoma, Acts of Oklahoma (1921), chap. 112, sees. 1,
2, 3, 4. For a more complete discussion of laws affecting the social study
curriculum, see Pierce, Public Opinion and the Teaching of History, chaps,
i-iv.

2 General Laws of Vermont (1917), chap. 60, sec. 1277, p. 301. Laws of
Montana (1917), chap. 128, par. 601, p. 309. Digest of the Statutes of
Arkansas (1919), chap. 158, par. 9066, p. 547. Laws of New Hampshire
(1921), chap. 85, sec. 10(3), p. 125. In 1919 history and civics were required.
In 1918 Connecticut carried over a law from the Revision of 1902 prescribing
United States history (General Statutes of Connecticut [1918], chap. 44,
sec. 835, I, 308). Pennsylvania incorporated a law of 1911 prescribing in-
struction in general history and civil government in her Statute Law of 1920.
Digest of the Statute Law of Pennsylvania (1920), par. 5102, p. 470. In
Kentucky, United States history, state history, and civil government were
required in 1918, carried over from a law of 1893 (Statutes of Kentucky
[1918], art. Ill, par. 4383, III, 866; Laws [1916], chap. 24, art. Ill, sec.
24, p. 162). In Texas in the Compiled Statutes of 1920 was again included
a law requiring the teaching of civil government and state and national
history (Statutes of Texas [1920], art. 2783, p. 467). Laws of Delaware
(1919), art. 2283, sec. 11, p. 356; also Laws, Special Session, 1920, Ninety-
seventh Assembly, sec. 12, XXXI, 113. General Laws of Alabama (1919),
art. 3, p. 571; Acts of Georgia (1919), sec. 18, p. 295. Compilation of the
Statutes of Tennessee (1917), art. XV, sec. 1453, I, 983; ibid., 1454. Laws
of South Dakota (1919), sec. 7511, p. 154. Laws of California (1917).
chap. 549, p. 728. Approved May 8, 1917. it was the same for the social
studies for the elementary schools in 1921 (Statutes [1921], chap. 486,
p. 739). A law of Illinois in which instruction was to be devoted to
"raising the standard of good citizenship" was passed in 1909, and was
still on the statute books hi 1917 (Revised Statutes [1917], p. 273). Laws
of New York (1918), chap. 241, art. XXVI-C, sees. 705, 706, pp. 886-87.
See the discussion under "Oaths of Allegiance as Teacher Requirements" for
a statement regarding the repeal of the Lusk Law. General Acts of Massa-
chusetts (1918), pp. 294-95; Acts (1920), chap. 411, p. 418. General Statutes
of Connecticut (1918), chap. 45, sec. 852, I, 312. Acts of New Jersey (1919),

LAWS AFFECTING CIVIC INSTRUCTION 231

pointed toward the social study curriculum, in order to instil
"into the hearts of the various pupils .... an understanding of
the United States .... a love of country and .... a devotion to
the principles of the American government."3

chap. 125, p. 304. Laws of Pennsylvania (1919), sec. 1607, pp. 544-45. In
1921 the law relating to courses of instruction for public and private ele-
mentary schools was amended but carried with it the requirement of United
States history, history of Pennsylvania, and civics, including "loyalty to the
state and national government" (Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Depart-
ment of Public Instruction, The School Law .... [1921], sec. 1607, p. 116).
Laws of Ohio (1919), sees. 7645 and 7762, p. 542. Acts of Iowa (1919), chap.
406, p. 535. Private as well as public schools were included. Laws of Kansas
(1919), chap. 257, sees. 2 and 3, p. 352; Session Laws of Washington (1919),
p. 50. Alabama in 1919 added community civics to her elementary school
curriculum but merely enumerated her subjects. General Laws of Alabama
(1919), art. 3, sec. 7, p. 571. Resolves of Maine (1921), chap. 25, p. 27.
Laws of New Hampshire (1921), chap. 85, sec. 5(3), p. 114. Acts of Mich-
igan (1921), No. 209, sees. 1, 2. Wisconsin Session Laws (1921), chap. 81,
p. 152. Laws of Illinois (1921), pp. 820-21. Acts of Iowa (1921), pp. 81-
82; Laws of Nebraska (1921), chap. 53, sec. 6924, p. 230. Acts of Okla-
homa (1921), chap. 112, sees. 1, 2, 3, 4. In cases of a violation a fine of not
less than $100 and not more than $500 or imprisonment in the county jail
for not less than thirty days nor more than six months, or both, may be the
penalty. A teacher is subject to discharge or removal in case of malfeasance,
and a college (corporation) is liable to a revocation of its charter. Laws
of Colorado (1921), chap. 216, p. 728. Acts of Arizona (1921), chap. 140,
sec. 1, p. 312. Statutes of Nevada (1921), p. 28. Laws of New Mexico
(1921), chap. 172, p. 364. Statutes of California (1921), chap. 486, p. 739.
Acts of Virginia (1922), p. 69. Virginia School Laws (1923), p. 41; Public
Laws of Rhode Island (1922), chap. 2195, sec. 17, Laws of Utah (1921), chap.
95, p. 284. Laws of Nevada (1917), chap. 146, p. 245. Compiled Statutes of
Idaho (1919), p. 269, par. 944.

3 The phraseology varies somewhat, but often many laws are much the
same even as to language. Laws as passed during 1923-27 can be found in
the statute books of the following states: Digest of School Laws . ... of
Arkansas .... (1923), p. 166. Approved March 23, 1923, this law provides
that no person can graduate from high school without at least one full
year's work in American history and civics; School Laws of Mississippi
(1924), chap. 283, p. 3; School Laws of Ohio (1923), p. 41; Public School
Laws of Tennessee .... (1923), p. 35; Acts of West Virginia (1923), chap.
10, sec. 9a, p. 40. Laws of Alabama (1923), p. 87; School Laws of the State
of Idaho (1923), p. 57; Acts of New Jersey (1923), chap. 17, p. 17; Laws
of Oregon (1923), chap. 7, sec. 102; Laws of Utah (1923), chap. 4; Laws of
New York (1924), chap. 64, or article 26-d, sec. 797. School Laws of Dela-
ware (1923), pp. 62-63. Georgia School Code .... (1923), p. 70. The

232 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Nearly all these enactments provide that instruction in the
required subjects shall begin in the elementary grades, continue
in the high school and in courses in state colleges, universities,
and educational departments of state and municipal institutions
to an extent to be determined by the superintendent of public
instruction or by the state board of education.4

LEGISLATION REGARDING SOCIAL STUDY TEXTBOOKS

The most significant laws respecting textbooks since the World
War deal with the character of the subject matter in histories
as commonly written. They are the result of an apprehension
arising from a misgiving that America is lacking in patriotism —
an apprehension noticeable in other legislation of this period.

In 1918, one of the Lusk Laws passed in New York prohibited
the use of any textbook which contained statements seditious in
character, disloyal to the United States, or favorable to the cause
of any enemy country. The law created a commission composed
of the commissioner of education and two persons designated by
the regents of the University of the State of New York. To this
body any person might present written complaints against text-
books in "civics, economics, English, history, language and liter-
ature," which were then to be examined "for the purpose of de-
termining whether such textbooks contain any matter of state-
ments of any kind which are seditious in character, disloyal to

Public School Law of North Carolina Codification (of 1923), p. 120. School
Legislation of the Thirty-eighth Legislature [of Texas], pp. 36-37. Laws of
Minnesota (1923), chap. 291, p. 388. Laws of New Mexico (1923), chap. 148,
sec. 1417, p. 325; also New Mexico School Code (1923), p. 34. Statutes of
California (1923), chap. 176, sees. 1 and 2.

4 The following provide that the course start not later than the eighth
grade: Statutes of California (1923), chap. 176; Laws of Alabama (1923),
p. 87; School Laws of Delaware (1923), pp. 62-63; School Laws of the State
of Idaho (1923), p. 57; Laws of Minnesota (1923), chap. 291, p. 388; Oregon
School Laws (1923), p. 39, Laws (1923), chap. 7, sec. 102; Public School
Laws of Tennessee (1923), p. 35, Laws of Tennessee (1923), chap. 17, sec. 1,
pp. 61-62. In New Jersey the seventh grade is prescribed for the beginning
of the study, Acts of New Jersey (1923), chap. 17, p. 17. In Arkansas it
is required that "such teaching shall commence in the lowest primary grade,"
but Arkansas history may be substituted for American history in one of
the grades (Digest of School Laws of Arkansas, loc. cit.).

LAWS AFFECTING CIVIC INSTRUCTION 233

the United States or favorable to the cause of any foreign coun-
try with which the United States is now at war."5 In case the
commission disapproved of the book after examination, the law
prescribed that the reasons be forwarded to all boards of edu-
cation, who then must abandon the use of the book. It was further
provided that any person in authority continuing to use a con-
demned book would be considered guilty of a misdemeanor.

Beginning with the year of 1922, concerted efforts were made
by private organizations to control the content of history text-
books. In general, the criticisms against the histories in use were
sponsored by patriotic and racial organizations seeking to re-
kindle the traditional treatment of relations with Great Britain,
particularly during the American Revolution and the War of
1812.

One result of this agitation was the proposal of laws directed
against the content of textbooks. In 1923 the commonwealth of
Wisconsin proscribed by statute any textbook "which falsifies
the facts regarding the war of independence, or the war of 1812,
or which defames our nation's founders or misrepresents the
ideals and causes for which they struggled and sacrificed, or which
contains propaganda favorable to any foreign government."6

Oregon passed a law of like character. In this state the use
of any textbook has been prohibited which "speaks slightingly of
the founders of the republic, or of the men who preserved the
union, or which belittles or undervalues their work."7 Efforts to
enact similar laws have been unsuccessful in the legislatures of
New York and New Jersey.8

Against these attempts at censorship arose active protest
from educators, historians, the press, and others. In New Jersey,
the bill as introduced in the Assembly provoked opposition from

5 Laws of New York (1918), par. 674, p. 892, approved April 17, 1918.

6 Laws of Wisconsin (1923), chap. 21, sees. 40, 36.

7 Oregon School Laws (1923), chap, iii, sec. 571, p. 169.

8 State of New York, 3d Rdg. 652. Nos. 602, 1781, 1887. Int. 581. In
Senate, February 7, 1928. Also No. 1186. Int. 1086. In Senate March 5,
1924. For New Jersey: Assembly, No. 14. Introduced January 8, 1924, by
Mr. Williams.

234 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

the faculty of Princeton University, who resolved that "such leg-
islation is in direct contravention of the fundamental principles
of freedom of speech and of the press, and calculated to impair
the integrity of education in both the public and private institu-
tions in the State of New Jersey."9 In December, 1923, the Amer-
ican Historical Association voiced a vigorous protest against an
official censorship which would "inevitably bring about a ruinous
deterioration both of textbooks and of teaching."10 In discussing
the results of such a censorship the New York Times aptly ex-
pressed the sentiment of many when it declared that it was in-
conceivable that "any honest man would wish to write textbooks
in history for children under such statutory prescription."11

LAWS ON TEACHING FOREIGN LANGUAGE AND THE
USE OF ENGLISH

During the World War, the enthusiasm for a patriotism
deemed unalloyed by the legislator led to the passage of laws per-
taining to the teaching of foreign languages in the schools. Ger-
man as a popular foreign-language study and as the language of
one of the enemy powers came in for a large share of the law-
makers' attention. Whereas laws permitting the teaching of Ger-
man had been passed by states such as Ohio and Indiana prior to
1917, following the World War there are found statutes pro-
hibiting the teaching of this subject. For instance, Ohio declared,
in a statute prior to the war,

The board of any district shall cause the German language to be
taught in any school under its control, during any school year, when a
demand therefor is made, in writing, by seventy-five freeholders resi-
dent of the district, representing not less than forty pupils who are
entitled to attend such school, and who, in good faith, desire and in-
tend to study the German and English language together; but such
demand shall be made at a regular meeting of the board, and prior
to the beginning of the school year, and any board may cause the

9 New York Times, February 12, 1924.

10 American Historical Review, XXIX (April, 1924), 428. A similar senti-
ment was expressed at the annual meeting of 1927.

11 New York Times, April 19, 1923.

LAWS AFFECTING CIVIC INSTRUCTION 235

German or other language to be taught in any school under its con-
trol without such demand.12

Following the war, the phase of the law dealing with this
subject decreed that "the German language shall not be taught
below the eighth grade in any of the elementary schools of this
state."13

A law, passed in Louisiana in 1918 and repealed in 1921, pro-
hibited, in like manner, the teaching of German in public or pri-
vate elementary, high, or higher schools.14 In 1919, and 1921
New Hampshire permitted instruction in foreign languages in
the curriculum of the public schools of that state, provided that
such instruction did not abridge the teaching of required sub-
jects.15

A law common to those states enacting restrictive legislation
of this type is that which decrees that all instruction must be in
English. Sometimes it is prescribed that an exception may be
made in the case of the teaching of foreign languages. Statutes
of this kind are found in the enactments of Alabama, Connecticut,
Idaho, Maine, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, Oklahoma,
and Pennsylvania. For example, the Nevada law sets forth:

It shall be unlawful for any board of school trustees, regents, or
board of education, or for any teacher or other person teaching in the
public or private schools of the State of Nevada, to cause to be taught
or to teach any subject or subjects, other than foreign languages, in
the public or private schools of the State of Nevada in any language
except English.

Alabama requires that "English shall be the only language
employed and taught in the first six grades of the elementary
school," and Mississippi insists that "all textbooks adopted for
use in the public schools of the state shall be printed in English

12 General Code of Ohio (1910), sec. 7729, p. 1636. See also Burns's
Annotated Indiana Statutes (1914), III, 384.

13 General Code of Ohio (1920), sec. 7762-1, p. 3558. Burns' Annotated
Indiana Statutes, Supplement (1921), V, sec. 6581a, 881.

14 Acts of Louisiana (1918), p. 188; ibid. (1921), p. 102 (Special Session).

15 Laws of New Hampshire (1919), chap. 106, sec. 13(3), p. 161; ibid.,
chap. 85, sec. 10(3), p. 125.

236 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

except such books as shall be adopted as textbooks in the study
of foreign language."1

In addition to the laws already noted, enactments that English
shall be the medium of instruction in the schools are found on the
statute books of Arkansas, Colorado, Delaware, Georgia, Illinois,
Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Minnesota, New Jersey, New York,
North Carolina, Ohio, Oregon, and West Virginia.17 To these
states may be added Indiana, Michigan, Montana, North and
South Dakota, Texas, and Washington, at some time advocates
of this prescription. It is interesting to note that only Florida,
Kentucky, Maryland, Massachusetts, Missouri, New Mexico, Ver-
mont, Virginia, and Wyoming have not subscribed to such a pre-
scription.18

In some states where a strong foreign element predominates,

16 Statutes of Nevada (1919), chap. 133, p. 247; Supplement to Digest of
Statute Law of Pennsylvania (1924), sec. 5089, p. 143; Compiled Statutes
of Idaho (1919), sec. 985, p. 280; Laws of Maine (1921), chap. 25, p. 27;
Compiled Statutes of Nebraska (1922), sees. 6457-62, p. 2045; Laws of New
Hampshire (1921), chap. 85, sec. 13, p. 125; Public Acts of Connecticut
(1923), chap. 166, p. 3591; General Acts of Alabama (1919), No. 442, art.
3, sec. 7, p. 571; Hemingway's Annotated Mississippi Code (1917), sec.
7838, II, 3127.

"Digest of Statutes of Arkansas (1919) sec. 9062, p. 2329; Compiled
Laws of Colorado (1921), sec. 8497, p. 2179; Laws of Delaware (1921),
chap. 160, sec. 8, p. 482; Supplement to Park's Annotated Code of Georgia
(1923), sec. 1432A, III, 295; Cahill's Revised Statutes of Illinois (1923),
sec. 401, p. 3148; Code of Iowa (1919), sees. 2363, 2364, p. 690; Revised
Statutes of Kansas (1923), par. 72-1101, p. 1170; Constitution of Louisiana
(1921), art. 12, sec. 12; Laws of Minnesota (1919), chap. 320, p. 337; Acts
of New Jersey (1919), chap. 35, p. 71; Laws of New York (1921), chap.
386, sec. I, II, 1211; Public Laws of North Carolina (1923), chap. 136,
sec. 39, p. 321; General Code of Ohio (1920), sec. 7762-1, p. 3558; Olson's
Laws of Oregon (1920), sec. 2223-3, I, 1274; Barnes's Code of West Virginia
(1923), chap. 45, sec. 9, p. 823.

18 Burns' Annotated Statutes of Indiana, Supplement (1921), sec. 6581a,
V, 881; Constitution of Michigan (1923), art. 11, sec. 9; Revised Code of
Montana (1921), sec. 1054, I, 540; Compiled Laws of North Dakota (1913),
sec. 1199, I, 290; Revised Code of South Dakota (1919), sec. 7511, Vol. II,
sec. 1878; Complete Statutes of Texas (1920), art. 2782, p. 467; Remington's
Compiled Statutes of Washington (1922), sec. 4681, II, 698.

LAWS AFFECTING CIVIC INSTRUCTION 237

the language of that nationality is permitted, as French in Louisi-
ana and Spanish in New Mexico.1

19

OATHS OF ALLEGIANCE AND CITIZENSHIP AS REQUIREMENTS
FOR TEACHERS

Laws requiring American citizenship and oaths of allegiance
for all who would teach in the public schools are also found
among the statutes passed beginning and following the World
War. In 1917 a provision of the Lusk Laws of New York for-
bade "the utterance of any treasonable or seditious act" by teach-
ers or employees of the public schools.20 In 1918 and 1919 citi-
zenship was made a qualification essential to teachers, and in
1921 loyalty and obedience to the government of the state were
enjoined by statute upon all who would teach.21 Aggressive op-
position to such control led to a repeal of the statutes by the
state legislature in 1923, to which Governor Alfred E. Smith
affixed his signature.

Laws similar to the statutes passed by New York are found
in Ohio, Michigan, West Virginia, Tennessee, Oklahoma, Ne-
braska, South Dakota, Nevada, Idaho, Montana, and Washing-
ton. In 1919 Michigan, Nebraska, Tennessee, Montana, and
Washington enacted statutes requiring that all teachers of the
public schools must be citizens of the United States, and Idaho
kept a law of 1897 which had a like purpose. The same action
was taken by North Dakota in 1921. In addition to those en-
gaged as instructors in the public schools, Nebraska included
teachers in private and parochial institutions. In Washington,
California, and Michigan the privilege of a license was granted to
those aliens who declared their intention of becoming citizens, and
in Washington in addition there were included those teachers
whose certificates or diplomas had been revoked on account of a
failure to impress upon the minds of the pupils "the principles

19 Constitution of Louisiana, art. 251; Laws of New Mexico (1923), sec.
1418, p. 325.

20 Laws of New York (1917), chap. 146, par. 568, II, 1280.

21 Ibid. (1919), chap. 120, 3, p. 218; ibid. (1918), chap. 158, pp. 550, 749;
ibid. (1921), par. 555a, III, 2048.

238 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

of patriotism or to train them up to a true comprehension of the
rights, duty, and dignity of American citizenship."22

An open declaration of loyalty and of an intention to incul-
cate patriotism in their pupils was required of all teachers by
Ohio in a law of 1919, by Colorado, Nevada, Oklahoma, Oregon,
and South Dakota in 1921. In Ohio, Colorado, Oklahoma, Ari-
zona, and South Dakota teachers, not only in the public schools,
but in private and parochial schools were forced by law to take
an oath to support the constitution of the state and of the United
States and to obey their laws. The Ohio law prescribed an "un-
divided allegiance to the government of one country, the United
States of America," and Colorado and Oregon adhered to the
same principle.23 Nevada's law of 1921 required of teachers paid
by the state the oath in her constitution, prescribed for all public
officers.24

In addition to the regulations imposing an oath of allegiance
on teachers, South Dakota, like Washington, in her law included
a prohibition of treasonable utterances. The Law declared:

Any teacher who shall have publicly reviled, ridiculed or otherwise
spoken or acted with disrespect or contumacy towards the flag of
the United States or its official uniforms or insignia, or towards the
system of government of the United States, or its Constitution, or
shall refuse to take and subscribe to the oath of allegiance herein-
before required, shall thereafter be forever disqualified to teach in
any public or private school within this state, and the certificate of

22 Laws of Washington (1919), sec. 1, p. 82; Laws of Nebraska (1919),
chap. 250, sec. 1, p. 1020; Acts of Michigan (1919), No. 220, sec. 1, p. 392;
Laws of Tennessee (1919), chap. 91, p. 223; Compiled Statutes of Idaho
(1919), par. 946, I, 270. Idaho, in her Laws of 1921, has another enactment,
but it has the same purpose (Laws [1921], sec. 77, p. 464). Laws of Mon-
tana (1919), chap. 196, sec. 18, p. 429, amending law of 1905, by which any
teacher holding a certificate and not a citizen was given time (six months)
to declare his intention. Political Code, chap. 77, sec. 1912, p. 167. For Cali-
fornia's law see School Law of California (1921), p. 203. Laws of North
Dakota (1921), chap. Ill, p. 90. Mississippi and Maryland aliens were not
permitted to teach following the war.

23 Laws of Ohio (1919), supplements 7852 of General Code, sec. 7852-1,
p. 514. Laws of Colorado (1921), chap. 213, sec. 1, p. 719; Laws of Oregon
(1921), chap. 115, p. 226.

"Statutes of Nevada (1921), sec. 38, p. 303.

LAWS AFFECTING CIVIC INSTRUCTION 239

any such teachers shall be revoked by the Superintendent of Public
Instruction upon satisfactory proof of the commission of any such
offense.25

An Oklahoma statute excluded from all public and private
schools of that state persons "guilty of teaching or inculcating
disloyalty to the United States or of publicly reviling the flag,
or the system of government of the United States." Yet the
statute prescribes that "criticism of any public official shall not
be construed as within the purview" of this regulation.26

Thus the legislature through prohibitive decrees attempted
to block and direct the speech of teachers as well as to make the
personnel of the teaching corps purely American. This form of
legislation again illustrates the temper of the lawmaker toward
Americanism and is not different from that so plainly evident in
many other laws passed since 1917.

OBSERVANCE DAYS

In the public school, the legislator has also decreed, shall be
observed those days which may be commemorative of historic
personages and events. Avowedly such legislation is designed to
foster patriotism, and many states have indulged in this method
of developing a patriotic citizenry. The display of the flag upon
public buildings, ceremonials to pay homage to the flag, exercises
to commemorate the achievements of American "statesmen and
patriots,"27 and the singing of the national anthem at prescribed
periods are frequently enjoined upon teachers by official fiat.28

*Laws of South Dakota (1921), chap. 210, p. 317.

28 Oklahoma School Laws (1923), p. 18; Acts of Oklahoma (1921), chap.
15, sec. 2, p. 141.

27 See Laws of Minnesota (1917), chap. 108, sec. 1, p. 135. The law pre-
scribed one-half hour daily for "exercises tending to promote and inculcate
patriotism."

28 See, for example, Laws of Maryland (1918), chap. 75, sec. 1, 176a,
p. 121; ibid. (1920), chap. 381, sec. 1, p. 665. Acts of Oklahoma (1921),
chap, iii, p. 137. Revised Statutes of Maine (1916), chap. 16, sec. 52. The
celebration through patriotic exercises of the birthdays of Washington and
Lincoln is found, for instance, in Wisconsin. Laws of Wisconsin (1923),
chap. 337. October 12 and November 11 in North Dakota (Educational Laws
of North Dakota [1923], chap. 2821, p. 45). In addition to those previously
prescribed, Michigan observes Roosevelt's birthday and November 11 (Gen-
eral School Laws of Michigan [1923], p. 107).

240 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Since 1918 November 11 has served as a time in which special
exercises are to be held to recall the part taken by the United
States in the World War and to set forth "the principles for
which the allied nations fought."29 A resolution of the legisla-
ture of Maryland in 1920 memorialized the president of the Unit-
ed States to make this date a day for "national thanksgiving,"
because it was the time when "there terminated that war which
overthrew the human monster who laid blood-hands upon nearly
every home of a peace-blest earth."30

Special days are occasionally set aside to engage in some
formality intended to emphasize the rights and privileges of
American citizens. Thus South Dakota (1921) declared that
Memorial Day be known as "Citizenship Day," at which time
each citizen who has become twenty-one years of age during the
year, or who has been admitted into full citizenship of the United
States during that period, shall receive a "citizenship certificate
signed by the Governor, attested by the Secretary of State, and
countersigned by the chairman of the Board of County Commis-
sioners of the County in which such citizen resides." Accompany-
ing the certificate is a "manual of citizenship" containing "the
Mayflower Compact, the Declaration of Independence, the Con-
stitution of the United States and of South Dakota," and "non-
political axioms and discussions of the principles of popular
citizenship."31

Laws showing local as well as national patriotism are occa-
sionally found. "Rhode Island Independence Day" is one of this
kind. First proclaimed in 1908, it has become the occasion for
patriotic ceremonies held on May 4.32 In North Carolina, the
twelfth of October is devoted to appropriate exercises in the
public schools, "to the consideration of some topic or topics of
state history."33 Oklahoma has decreed that November 16 be

29 Session Laws of the State of Washington (1921), chap. 56, sec. 1,
p. 171. See also School Law of West Virginia (1923), p. 32.

30 Laws of Maryland (1920), pp. 1448-49.

31 Laws of South Dakota (1921), chap. 144, sees. 1, 2.

32 Acts and Resolves, of Rhode Island (1914), chap. 1071, sec. 2, p. 1104.

33 Public School Law of North Carolina (1923), Part XIII, art. 38,
sec. 367.

LAWS AFFECTING CIVIC INSTRUCTION 241

celebrated in such a manner as to teach "loyalty and patriotism"
to state and Union.3* Other states at a time previous to the
World War have enacted similar laws.35

In, a few cases in which the law requiring celebration of ob-
servance days or compliance with a fixed ceremonial has been en-
forced, objections have been reported. According to the Social
Service Bulletin of December 1, 1926, "In early 1926 fifty chil-
dren of the Jehovites in Denver were expelled for refusing to
salute the American flag. The Jehovites maintain that they re-
spect the law and the flag, but they are opposed to saluting the
flag as a symbol of temporal power. The Denver School Board
has now waived the compulsory patriotic exercise ruling, and
has readmitted the children to school. In Bellingham, Washing-
ton, a nine-year-old boy was taken permanently from his home
and given out for adoption by 'Christian patriotic parents,'
because the religious scruples of his parents forbade him to salute
the flag in school exercises. The same scruples forbid them to
take the case to court."3

34 School Laws of Oklahoma (1923), p. 69.

35 For example, "Georgia Day" on February 12, "South Carolina Day"
on March 18, "Maryland Day" to be named by the State Board of Education,
"Pioneer Day" in Montana, "Minnesota Day," and "Grand Army Flag Day"
in Rhode Island, among others.

"Social Service Bulletin, XVI (December 1, 1926), 1.

CHAPTER XXIV
COURSES OF STUDY

COURSES OF STUDY PREPARED BY STATE DEPARTMENTS
OF INSTRUCTION

Both through legislative mandate and through personal initia-
tive, state superintendents of public instruction in many states
have issued courses of study for use in the schools. These are
designed to provide a guidance for teachers, and are used to the
greatest degree, undoubtedly, in the rural schools and in the
schools of the small cities. City systems often provide separate
manuals for the work carried on in their schools.

Besides suggestions of different kinds as to the content of
the courses and the methods of carrying on instruction occasion-
ally found, aims and objectives are usually set forth. Here there
is found a similarity of thought but a variety of expression. In
geography, the interdependence of people is usually stressed;
in civics, the knowledge of governmental structure and a train-
ing in the duties and privileges of citizenship; in American his-
tory, the inculcation of loyalty to country through a study of
the past and an understanding of American nationality. In gen-
eral, history, it is believed,

fosters the spirit of patriotism which puts right above might, and pro-
duces a more unselfish, social individual A study of the

noble, worthy deeds of great men and women and the achievements
of nations in any age, gives lessons of loyalty and duty to the nation,
a desire for service that neither doubts, nor counts the cost, nor asks
recognition, a service that means sacrifice.1

GEOGRAPHY

Like textbooks, courses of study in geography stress to a
greater degree than those in allied fields the interdependence of
people.2 Frequent mention is made of the possibilities of the sub-

1 State Course of Study Montana City Elementary Schools, p. 389.

2 See, for example, General Course of Study for Arizona Schools, p. 73;
New Mexico Common Schools Course of Study (1923), p. 57.

242

COURSES OF STUDY 243

ject to develop "a sympathetic understanding of other peoples,"3
as well as "an appreciation of our indebtedness to the nations
of the world for our citizens, our institutions, our history, our
art, our literature and for many comforts now enjoyed."4 In
the development of a sympathetic attitude toward other peoples
manuals suggest not only the promotion of understanding
through spiritual contacts but through commercial intercourse.
Attention is directed toward the interest of America not only in
the world in general, but toward her interest in certain countries.
For example, the Montana course emphasizes not only the indebt-
edness of America to Europe, but points out a special friend-
liness felt for France. "Why are Americans so deeply interested
in France?" is asked. In answer there are mentioned: "Our ad-
miration for the bravery and sacrifices of the French. Our debt
to France. Part Lafayette and the French nation played in
securing our freedom." The aid of Europeans and Americans to
the people of Asia and the relationships through products and
political ties of countries to each other receive attention in this
manual. Nor are pupils permitted to leave unnoted the concept
of freedom embodied in the name America and the wealth and
prosperity evident in the United States.5

COURSES IN CITIZENSHIP

The objectives set forth for the teaching of political prob-
lems, or civics, have in common the aim of "good" or "intelli-
gent citizenship." Just what these terms mean is generally left
unsettled for the teacher, for they are seldom denned. Obviously
this might result in as many different concepts for the pupil
as there are different interpretations by different teachers.

3 A Course of Study in the Social Studies (Connecticut), p. 3. See also
Courses of Study in Junior and Senior High Schools (Missouri), Bulletin
No. 1 (1925) ; A Course of Study for the Elementary Schools of Wisconsin
(1923), p. 85; Curriculum for Elementary Schools of Minnesota (1923),
p. 350; Manual and Courses of Study for Elementary Schools (Pennsylvania),
p. 266.

4 Utah Course of Study for Secondary Schools ("The Junior High
School"), p. 75. See also State Course of Study Montana City Elementary
Schools, p. 534.

5 Ibid., pp. 486-87.

244 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

The Connecticut course has as its fundamental aim in all
the social studies the development of "an intelligent citizenship
of cooperation and service," and specifies for citizenship courses
the incorporation of "knowledge of the civic duties, responsibili-
ties, and privileges of the intelligent, co-operative citizen."6 In
general, the ultimate aim of courses in civics is "the making of
better citizens in the home, in the community, in the state, in
the nation."7

The values of the American form of government, love for coun-
try, respect for law, and the need of an intelligent citizenry re-
ceive emphasis. Thus, according to the Missouri course for ele-
mentary schools:

The great end of our government, the service of all the people,
should be emphasized at every point. While no attempt should be
made to mislead the pupil into the false view that no further im-
provement can be made in our local and general systems, the whole
of democratic government, and the need of loyal co-operation with it
are repeatedly demonstrated.

The bulletin makes a special plea that reverence for the law
be taught since "no child is too young to be a patriot or to be
taught the responsibilities of a good citizen."8

In this course of study, as in other manuals, there are fre-
quently established, besides the general objective, aims for differ-
ent grades. For instance, the care of property is stressed in the
first year of the Missouri course ; the second grade is to touch
upon the sacrifice of pioneers in establishing a free government
in America ; the third is to tell stories "illustrative of the bless-
ings that arise under our form of government as compared with
hereditary monarchy"; the fourth year is "to teach the story
of our flag, the number of stars and stripes, the significance of
each, the colors on the flag and the significance of each color."

6 (Connecticut) A Course in the Social Studies, p. 3.

7 (Iowa) McClenahan, Course in American Citizenship, I-III, pp. 4, 5, 7, 9.
• State Course of Study for the Elementary Schools in the State of

Missouri, pp. 157-58. See also State of Oklahoma, Course of Study for the
Common Schools, p. 59; General Course of Study for Arizona Schools,
pp. 27-28.

COURSES OF STUDY 245

The pupils are to "read the story of Betsy Ross." In the
fifth grade the pupils are

to see a nation rise because its citizens were temperate, frugal, just,
honest, brave, and loyal; to see a nation remain intact for centuries,
increasing its territory and governing wisely because of good laws,
industry and the spread of knowledge and loyalty; to see a nation
fall(as soon as its people become indolent, seeking individual advan-
tages regardless of the group's good

The directions continue for the fifth grade as follows:

Learn to sing and commit to memory, "My Country 'Tis of Thee."
Teach the history of the American flag. By means of suitable read-
ing matter and stories inculcate in all a clear comprehension of the
difference between our form of government, a government by the peo-
ple, and its opposite, a hereditary monarchy. Give suitable lessons
that show the blessings that arise from our form of government and
show through what struggles the early settlers in America passed in
order to establish freedom and independence.

In the sixth grade of the Missouri course it is suggested that
children "trace the early struggles of the people for recognition
and give especial attention to such events as mark the turning
point in the development of freedom." A further task for the
sixth-year teacher is to teach so that there is "the recognition of
what each nation contributes to American ideals," thus making
"broader sympathy, better cooperation, and greater unity of
purpose." The next year the pupils are to "study and memorize
the poems 'The American Flag,' 'My Flag and Your Flag.' "
They are to be taught obedience to authority in the home, the
school, the country, the state, and the nation.

The eighth grade of this course enjoins committing to memory
and learning to sing "The Star Spangled Banner." Here the
children are to be taught "the importance of complete loyalty to
the principles for which our government stands," as well as the
meaning and necessity of government.9

In short, it is the special desire of curriculum makers in citi-
zenship to cultivate right civic habits, to create high civic ideals,
and to develop, by means of service, a finer patriotism and a

9 Ibid., pp. 158-61. See also Course in Florida.

246 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

larger democracy,10 as well as the "belief that our democratic
government is the best kind of government for Americans and
that it is our duty to defend it against all enemies."11

HISTORY

Most makers of courses of study are united in their belief
that the main aim of instruction in American history is the de-
velopment of a vivid conception of American nationality and a
high sense of patriotism and civic responsibility. "It is our task
to teach more adequately and thoroughly than in the past the
peculiar and characteristic genius of American institutions and
the permanent and outstanding assets of our democracy."12
Through such instruction, it is held, a much desired patriotism
will result. According to one manual,

Patriotism, the greatest of our national ideals, comprehends all
the rest. Love of country is a sentiment common to all peoples and
ages; but no land has ever been dearer to its people than our own
America. No nation has a history more inspiring, no country has
institutions more deserving of patriotic love. Turning the pages of
our nation's history, the young citizen sees Columbus, serene in the
faith of his dream; the Mayflower, bearing the lofty soul of the
Puritan; Washington, girding on his holy sword; Lincoln striking
the shackles from the helpless slave; the Constitution, organizing the
farthest west with north and south and east and into one great Re-
public the tremendous energy of free life trained in free schools,
utilizing our immense natural resources, increasing the nation's wealth

10 Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Department of Public Instruction,
Manual and Courses of Study for Elementary Schools, p. 107. See also
High School Manual for South Dakota, p. 123; Syllabus for Elementary
Schools (New York), p. 5; Courses of Study for the High Schools of
Oregon, p. 21 ; Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Plan for the Study of the
Constitution, Bulletin No. 4 (1924), p. 2; State of Mississippi, Department of
Education Bulletin No. 29 (1924), High Schools, pp. 111-12; A Manual for
the High Schools of Wisconsin (1924), p. 150; Course of Study for the
Elementary Schools of Florida, pp. 153, 172; State Course of Study (Mon-
tana), p. 475; Manual for Georgia Teachers, p. 154; State of Oklahoma,
Course of Study for the Common Schools, p. 59; General Course of Study
for Arizona Schools, pp. 27-28.

11 (Massachusetts) Bulletin (1924).

12 Manual and Courses of Study for the High Schools of Idaho, p. 73.

COURSES OF STUDY 247

with the aid of, advancing science, multiplying fertile fields and noble
workshops, and busy school systems and happy homes.

This is the history for which our flag stands; and when the young
citizen salutes the flag, he should think of the great ideals which it
represents. The flag stands for democracy, for liberty under the law;
it i stands for heroic courage and self-reliance, for equality of oppor-
tunity, for self-sacrifice, and the cause of humanity. It stands for
free public education, and for peace among all nations.13

The influence of heroic characters is held an important factor
in the development of responsible citizenship and patriotism by
the authors of manuals in Idaho, Georgia, Florida, Colorado, Mis-
souri, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Utah.14 With this in
mind, manuals on patriotism and special observance days have
been prepared by some states. Among these North Dakota,
South Dakota, Oklahoma, New Jersey, and Maryland have placed
before their teachers suggestive lessons and programs for such
days as Washington's and Lincoln's birthdays, Memorial Day,
and Armistice Day.

The Georgia manual expresses the general sentiment as to the
value of teaching the achievements of heroic characters in his-
tory:

A study of the men and women who have made the present what
it is by their deeds in the past offers a splendid opportunity for the
development of the fundamentals of Citizenship and Americanization.
Teaching patriotism, a sense of brotherhood, a devotion to law and
order, a harmony of all the good elements of citizenship in the "citi-

13 Idaho Bulletin of Education, Courses of Study for the Public Schools
of Idaho (1923), p. 35, quoted from Guitteau's Preparing for Citizenship.
See also Course of Study for the Elementary School of Florida, p. 171,
seventh-grade history.

"Idaho Bulletin of Education, op. cit., pp. 88-89; Manual for Georgia
Teachers, pp. 130, 193 (eighth grade) ; Course of Study for the Elementary
Schools of Florida; Colorado Course of Study in Education, pp. 182-83;
State Course of Study for the Elementary Schools (Missouri), p. 122;
Massachusetts, Teachers' Manual of United States History for Grades VII
and VIII (1922), p. 11; Commonwealth of Pennsylvania Department of
Public Instruction, Manual and Courses of Study for Elementary Schools,
p. 115; Utah Course of Study fof Secondary Schools, p. 65.

248 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

zen of the future" should be among the chief aims of the teacher of
history.16

Several manuals suggest the development of a loyalty toward,
and a responsibility for, humanity in general as an aim of his-
tory and its allied subjects. One of the pledges of loyalty in the
Missouri course stresses the desirability of friendly relations be-
tween the United States and foreign countries.16

At this point it may not be inappropriate to mention the
efforts of the World Federation of Education Association, es-
pecially as they touch the teaching of history and the develop-
ment of international good will. Through this group, organized
under the auspices of the National Education Association, World
Good Will Day on May 18, the date of the opening of the first
Hague conference, has been proclaimed. Upon this day, exer-
cises to develop a spirit of international fellowship are held, in-
cluding pageants, plays, music, essays, and compositions.17

The same organization in 1925 affirmed "its belief that geog-
raphy, history, and training in citizenship should be taught not
only from a national point of view but also from a modern soci-
ological and international point of view." They also asserted
"that textbooks descriptive of child life in all lands and setting
forth in brief and simple form the best that each nation has
achieved be prepared for the elementary schools of the world."1

The National Education Association is also definitely associ-
ated with "America Education Week," which has for its primary
purpose a dedication of all the people to "the task of universal
education." During this time, programs arranged by the Ameri-
can Legion, the United States Bureau of Education, and the

16 Manual for Georgia Teachers, p. 130.

16 State Course of Study for the Elementary Schools in the State of
Missouri, p. 164. See also Course of Study for Elementary Schools of
Oregon; Manual and Courses of Study for Elementary Schools (Pennsyl-
vania) ; Course of Study for High Schools of Arkansas; Utah Course of
Study for Secondary Schools.

"See Augustus A. Thomas, "Good Will Day, May 18," Journal of the
National Education Association, XV (April, 1926), 111-12.

18 "World Federation Resolutions," Journal of the National Education
Association, XIV (October, 1925), 218-19.

COURSES OF STUDY 249

National Education Association offer suggestions for exercises
in the schools for each day of the week. Officials of the public
schools, posts of the American Legion, state educational insti-
tutions, and other co-operating organizations are prepared each
year to furnish speakers.19

COURSES OF STUDY IN CITY SCHOOL SYSTEMS

City school systems, in general, do not publish extensive
courses in the social studies but leave to the teachers of those
subjects the direction of the work. When data on the work given
are available, they are often of an experimental and temporary
character. It may be said that on the whole the subject matter
presented varies but slightly from that of the state course or
the prescribed textbook.

St. Louis and Denver are two cities which recently embarked
on projects of curriculum revision in which they have set up ob-
jectives whose nature is such as to be considered here. Both
point out the need of developing a social attitude. Through
emphasis on industrial and commercial relationships, the inter-
dependence of peoples is stressed. The St. Louis course specifi-
cally mentions as one of its aims "to develop a sense of member-
ship in the world community," and both courses propose to de-
velop an understanding and an appreciation for the social and
civic ideals of America.20

Other city courses have similar purposes. Boston, in her
Course in Citizenship through Character Development, for in-
stance, teaches "obedience to duly constituted authority," "loy-
alty to home, to school, to country, to faith."21 Under the Law

19 "American Education Week — 1925," Journal of the National Education
Association, XIV (October, 1925), 227.

20 Public Schools, Denver, Colorado, Course of Study Monograph No. 8:
Social Science; Board of Education, St. Louis, Social Studies Curriculum
Bulletin Nos. 6, 18, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29. See also Department of Educa-
tion, City of Baltimore, The Social Studies Course of Study for Senior and
Junior High Schools, pp. 323, 383.

"School Document No. 10 (1924), Boston Public Schools, Course in
Citizenship through Character Development Grades I to VIII (Boston,
1924).

250 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

of Loyalty there is pledged loyalty to humanity, in which is
asserted a willingness to do one's best "to help the friendly re-
lations of our country with every other country."22 The Lake
County, Indiana, social studies course stresses obedience to law
and has as one objective the development of "a sense of group
consciousness and of human interdependence," an objective fre-
quently found in manuals for geography.23

In some courses of study attention is directed toward attri-
butes alleged to be primarily American. Such an aim is found
in the Syllabus for High Schools and Junior High Schools, First
Year Civics, in New York, in which is expressed a desire "to in-
culcate American ideals." Among these ideals are listed democ-
racy ; equality of opportunity and equality before the law ; ma-
jority rule with recognition of the rights of minorities to further
their ideals by lawful methods ; responsibility of public officials
to the people whose chosen agents they are; legal processes for
changing our laws and governmental institutions ; freedom of the
press, of speech, of assembly, of religion, for all ; a broad citi-
zenship, with undivided allegiance ; universal free education ; local
self-government, representative government when direct govern-
ment is not practicable ; a fair and public trial for all.24

Sioux City, Iowa, through her superintendent, M. G. Clark,
has issued a course of study in history, called Progress and Patri-
otism, in the hope that it may be instrumental in leading children
to the acceptance "of an intelligent and loving service for their
city, their state, their nation, and for humanity."25 In the "spir-
itualization of the facts," each unit of the course in every grade
throughout the entire^ system is known by its own peculiar patri-
otic study name. It is hoped, throughout the system, that "these
names may come into familiar use and instead of speaking of the

"Ibid., p. 31.

"Department of Superintendence Fourth Year Book, The Nation at
Work on the Public School Curriculum, pp. 332-33, 337, 341. See, for example,
the Cleveland, Ohio, course of study.

24 Syllabus for High Schools and Junior High Schools: First Year Civics,
City of New York (1923), p. 2.

25 M. G. Clark, Progress and Patriotism (Bloomington, Illinois, 1923),
dedication page.

COURSES OF STUDY 251

first grade, the second grade, the third grade, we will speak of
them by their patriotic name." For this purpose, in Patriotic
Studies, "the Kindergarten group is known as the 'Home Patri-
ots.' The first grade is known as 'The Red, White and Blue,' the
second grade as 'The Washington Room,' the third grade as
'The Lincoln Room.' "26

In Indianapolis, the Course of Study in American Citizenship
ascribes to such a course the creation of "an interest in and an
understanding of the place of his nation in the scheme of events."
and the development of "a firm sense of responsibility for honest,
intelligent, and aggressive participation in public affairs."2

Some city systems have definitely undertaken through instruc-
tion in social studies to secure good international understanding.
For example, the Deering High School, of Portland, Maine, en-
deavors to show the progress of civilization in art, science, and
literature, among other things, in which mankind as a unified
group has a part.28

Education for international good will is characteristic espe-
cially of Quaker schools. Such reading lists as those proposed
by W. Walker Cheyney, of the Baltimore Friends' School, are
typical of the reading done in these schools.29 According to Mr.
Walter W. Haviland, principal of the Friends' Select School of
Philadelphia, the schools of his religious sect endeavor to em-
phasize the international idea especially in geography. In his-
tory, no peace propaganda is obvious, he holds, but an effort is
made to find heroes "who save other people's lives rather than
those heroes who take them." Mr. Haviland cited as books ex-
pressing this idea Coe's Heroes of Everyday Life and Hyde's
Modern Biography.50

'*Ibid., p. 36.

27 Indianapolis Public Schools, Course of Study in American Citizenship
(1922), p. 9.

28 Personal letter.

20 W. Walker Cheyney, "Education for International Goodwill, A Study
of the Will to Friendship and Some Suggestions as to Its Development"
(Philadelphia: Friends' Peace Committee, 1925).

30 Personal conference, March 12, 1926.

252 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Some of the public and secular private institutions carry on
work of a like nature. In Miss Kearns' School for the Deaf at
East Twenty-fourth Street in New York, touch with the outside
world is maintained by the pupils writing to classes in Belgium,
Germany, Denmark, and other countries. Sometimes Christmas
presents are exchanged, and there is established "a spirit of
camaraderie and mutual helpfulness that transcends national
boundaries."31

The following letter illustrates the work done:

270 EAST 24 STREET
NEW YORK CITY _

March 18, 1926
DEAR BETTY:

I received your letter that you sent me. I thank you very much.

We thank you very much for sending us some beautiful pictures
which were painted by some boys in your school. We have one of
them hanging on the wall. It shows beautiful trees and mountains
and rippling water and grass. All the time we see it.

My parents were born in Spain. I was not born in Spain but in
America. I have three brothers and no sisters.

I know how to dance Spainish [sic] and Dutch dances and the
Charleston. Do you know how to dance? I know how to swim, skate,
sew, read and do many other things.

Would you like to come to New York? If you come to New York
maybe I will meet you. If I meet you I will show you how to dance.
How old are you? What grade are you? I hope you will; write me
another letter and answer my questions.

Your loving best friend,

MARY TELLUS

The sending of dolls at Christmas time to Japanese children
is a project of international amity sometimes practiced. Des-
tined to be messengers of good will, the dolls are distributed in
the public schools by the Japanese government. Much of this
work has been sponsored by the Committee on World Friendship
among Children of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ
in America, and has a purpose similar to the international under-
taking of such groups as the Junior Red Cross.

31 The Public and the School, No. 253, March 9, 1926, p. 6.

CONCLUSION

Never in the history of the world has there been such interest
in education as there is at the present time. The World War did
much to bring this about. Of the 2,000,000 men drafted into the
army in 1917, about 200,000 could not understand the English
language — a condition undreamed of by the layman, who thought
education not only free and universal, but also compulsory.

This, with other forees, tended to awaken men to the necessity
of renewed interest in the functions and possibilities of the school.
This interest spread in many directions, chief of which was an
appraisal of the character of the public-school curriculum.
Abetted by a zealous patriotism, individuals and organizations
took up the matter and entered the ranks of those demanding an
educated citizenry. As the number of crusaders increased, the
purposes of education enlarged to include many points of view.
It was soon recognized that what was taught the boy and girl
became stock in trade and made up the "accumulated memories"
with which later they might ply their trades, and with which they
could combat any forces held insidious to the development and
welfare of the nation. Following the war the feeling of kinship
with some of the peoples of the world quickened by an alliance of
arms in a common cause was superseded by an intensified national-
ism. While the war raged the American people would have unan-
imously indorsed Goethe's belief that above the nation is human-
ity. Following the war this belief became a shadow, and people
in general reverted to the attitudes of pre-war days.

Many of these attitudes are the result of instruction in the
schools and the knowledge gained from textbooks. "The average
man's notion of a Frenchman or of a German or of an Irishman
or of a Jew is gotten not from extensive personal observation but
from anti-types supplied by versifiers, story-tellers, and play-
wrights," says Carlton Hayes, in his Essays on Nationalism?

1 Carlton J. H. Hayes, Essays on Nationalism (New York, 1926), p. 67.

253

254 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

And to the list might be added the writers of history and other
textbooks commonly used in the schools.

From the analysis of nearly four hundred textbooks repre-
senting different subjects taught in the schools, the conclusion
inevitably must come that the American is taught to respect and
venerate his forebears and the institutions which they designed
and developed. Textbooks are permeated with a national or patri-
otic spirit. Most books are pro-American. None can be charged
with disloyalty to American ideals. Nor is there frequent criti-
cism of American characteristics or of American activities. In-
deed, the Preface of one history avows as its purpose a sentiment
which is characteristic of many books :

The future of our country is in the hands of our school boys and
our school girls. May they realize our country's greatness, with its
opportunities, and their own individual responsibility in preserving
and enlarging and maintaining both. May they follow the course and
keep the faith of the fathers remembering that America is a great
cause and not a result. When Americans once agree upon any course
or any cause, the united world cannot conquer them.2

On the other hand, the attitudes engendered toward other
peoples through a reading of these books must, in many cases,
redound to their ignominy in contrast with the glory of America.
The Spaniard in histories is pictured as harsh and cruel, and,
from a reading of many of the books, one is forced to inquire,
"Was there no good in the Spaniard?" England, although re-
ceiving far more generous treatment than in the histories and
readers of twenty-five years ago, still is not accorded glowing
praise. The animosities kindled by the Revolution, the War of
1812, and the attitude of England toward the North in the Civil
War are still evident in some books. Present-day critics of text-
books who charged a pro-British bias in writers could have read
only scantily. True it is that reputable historians and others
have endeavored to set forth both sides of controversial questions,
and of late there has been a decided development of the spirit of
fair play. Nevertheless the books are not pro-British. They may
not be anti-British. Perhaps we may best call them pro-American.

2Daft'an, History of the United States.

CONCLUSION 255

The charge of pro-British prejudice, so frequently heard
within the last few years, may have arisen from the effort of these
writers to portray events as impartially as possible. When read
by persons still holding the animus aroused by the older type of
history and reader, they undoubtedly seem "un-American." As
Anatole France said, "If you have any new insight, any original
ideas, if you present men and affairs under an unwonted aspect,
you will surprise the reader. And the reader does not want to
be surprised. He seeks in history only the stupidities with which
he is already familiar."

As England has been considered the traditional enemy of
America, so has France been held the traditional friend. Of all
nations, France receives the most praise. In sharp contrast is
the treatment accorded in most books to Germany. Militarism,
greed, rapacity, and cruelty are charged against her. Of the
countries of the Far East, China is used often as an example of
American generosity to a weaker nation. On the other hand,
Chinese immigrants to this country are not pictured in a favor-
able manner. Similar treatment is accorded the Japanese immi-
grant, although to Japan is ascribed a progressive spirit unknown
in China.

In general, the peoples of South America are mentioned in
connection with discussions of the Monroe Doctrine generally held
not only necessary but beneficial. As in the case of the dependen-
cies of America, the United States is described as generous in
spirit in her relations with weaker peoples and as a benefactor of
mankind. Mexico is given scant praise.

Of all the books examined, geographies are the least inclined
to paint the American as superior to other peoples, readers and
histories being the most guilty in this respect. Moreover, many
books do not preach a brotherhood of man, and the emphasis on
war heroes and incidents is such as to exalt war over peace. One
is reminded of a passage from Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice
as he considers the attitudes which may be gained from some of
the books in common use.

Hath not a Jew eyes? Hath not a Jew hands, organs, dimensions,
senses, affections, passions? fed with the same food, hurt with the

256 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

same weapons, subject to the same diseases, healed by the same means,
warmed and cooled by the same Winter and Summer, as a Christian
is? If you prick us, do we not bleed? if you tickle us, do we noli
laugh? If you poison us, do we not die? and if you wrong us, shall
we not revenge? if we are not like you in the rest1 we will resemble
you in that.

Nor do textbooks fail to advocate a loyalty to the government
of this country. Especially do books in civics or citizenship set
forth the rights, privileges, and duties of citizens and admonish
the maintenance of ideals held American. Because of freedom of
opportunity, the right of liberty, life, and property, the pupil is
taught that he owes a sturdy allegiance to a democratic and just
government through whose protection he is enabled to possess
these blessings.

It has not been the purpose of this study to advocate what
the content of textbooks should be. Its purpose has been to set
forth only the facts. In view of the period of life in which most
of these books are read by the child, the question, however, arises
as to the character of ideals and attitudes which should be estab-
lished in this plastic stage of development when many impressions
become indelibly fixed. "The chief part of man's life is remember-
ing," said James Harvey Robinson. What do the American people
wish their children to remember?

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED

TEXTBOOKS IN HISTORY

AMERICAN SCHOOL CITIZENSHIP LEAGUE. An American Citizenship

.Course in United States History, Course with Type Studies,

Book I for Grades IV and V. New York: Charles Scribner's

Sons, 1921.
. An American Citizenship Course in United States History,

Course with Type Studies, Book Two for Grade VI. New York:

Charles Scribner's Sons, 1921.
. An American Citizenship Course in United States History,

Course with Type Studies, Book Three for Grade VII. New

York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1921.

An American Citizenship Course in United States History,

Course with Type Studies, Book Four for Grade VIII. New
York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1921.

ATKINSON, ALICE M. The European Beginnings of American History.
Boston: Ginn & Co., 1912.

BARKER, EUGENE C. ; WEBB, WALTER P.; and DODD, WILLIAM E.
The Growth of A Nation : The United States of America. Evans-
ton: Row, Peterson & Co., 1928.

BARNES, EVERETT. Short American History by Grades, Part II. Bos-
ton: D. C. Heath & Co., 1922.

. American History for Grammar Grades. Boston: D. C.

Heath & Co., 1923.

BEARD, ANNIE E. S. Our Foreign Born Citizens. New York: Thomas
Y. Crowell Co., 1922.

BEARD, CHARLES A., and BAGLEY, WILLIAM C. A First Book in Ameri-
can History. New York: Macmillan Co., 1922.

. The History of the American People. New York: Macmillan

Co., 1923.

. Our Old World Background. New York: Macmillan Co.,

1922.

BEARD, CHARLES A., and BEARD, MARY R. History of the United
States. New York: Macmillan Co., 1925.

BEMIS, KATHERINE ISABEL; HOLTZ, MATHILDE EDITH; and SMITH,
HENRY LESTER. The Patriotic Reader. Boston: Houghton-Mif-
flin Co., 1917.

257

258 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

BLAISDELL, ALBERT F., and BALL, FRANCIS K. American History for
Little Folks. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1917.

. The Child's Book of American History. Boston: Little,

Brown & Co., 1913.

BOURNE, HENRY ELDRIDGE, and BENTON, ELBERT JAY. American
History. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1925.

. A History of the United States. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co.,

1921.

. Introductory American History. New York: D. C. Heath &

Co., 1916.

. Story of America and Great Americans. Boston: D. C.

Heath & Co., 1925.

BURNHAM, SMITH. The Making of Our Country. Philadelphia: John
C. Winston Co., 1920.

. Our Beginnings in Europe and America. Philadelphia: John

C. Winston Co., 1918.
GATHER, KATHERINE. Boyhood Stories of Famous Men. New York:

Century Co., 1916.
CHANNING, EDWARD. A Students' History of the United States. New

York: Macmillan Co., 1922.
CHANNING, EDWARD, in consultation with SUSAN J. GINN. Elements

of United States History. New York: Macmillan Co., 1919.
COE, FANNY E. Founders of Our Country. New York: American

Book Co., 1912.
DAFFAN, KATIE. History of the United States. Ennis, Texas: Katie

Daffan, Publisher, 1924.
DAVIS, WILLIAM STEARNS. Medieval and Modern Europe. Boston:

Houghton Mifflin Co., 1920.
EGGLESTON, EDWARD. A First Book in American History. New York:

American Book Co., 1920.

ELSON, HENRY W. Modern Times and the Living Past. New York:
American Book Co., 1921.

. United States: Its Past and Present. New York: American

Book Co., 1926.
ESTILL, HARRY F. The Beginner's History of Our Country. Dallas,

Texas: Southern Pub. Co., 1919.

EVANS, LAWTON B. The Essential Facts of American History. Chi-
cago: Benjamin H. Sanborn & Co., 1920.

FISH, CARL RUSSELL. History of America. New York: American Book
Co., 1925.

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED 259

FITE, EMERSON DAVID. History of the United States. New York:
Henry Holt & Co., 1926.

. The United States. New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1923.

FORMAN, S. E. Advanced American History. New York: Century

Co., 1924.
FRANCISCAN SISTERS OF THE PERPETUAL ADORATION. A History of

the United States for Catholic Schools. Chicago: Scott, Fores-
man & Co., 1914.
GARNER, ALFRED W., and HENSON, CLARENCE C. Our Country's

History. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1921.
GORDY, WILBUR FISK. American Beginnings in Europe. New York:

Charles Scribner's Sons, 1925.
. History of the United States. New York: Charles Scribner's

Sons, 1922.
. Stories of Early American History. New York: Charles

Scribner's Sons, 1913.

Stories of Later American History. New York: Charles

Scribner's Sons, 1923.

. Stories of American Explorers. New York: Charles Scrib-
ner's Sons, 1905.

GOULD, F. J. Victors of Peace. New York: Harper Bros., 1915.

GREENE, FRANCES NIMMO. My Country's Voice. New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1918.

GUERBER, H. A. Story of Our Civilization. New York: Henry Holt
& Co., 1926.

GUITTEAU, WILLIAM BACKUS. History of the United States. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1924.

. Our United States: A History. New York: Silver, Burdett &

Co., 1919.

HALL, ROBERT GREEN; SMITHER, HARRIET; and OUSLEY, CLARENCE.
A History of the United States. Dallas, Texas: Southern Pub.
Co., 1924.

HALLECK, REUBEN POST. History of Our Country for Higher Grades.
New York: American Book Co., 1923.

HALLECK, REUBEN POST, and FRANTZ, JULIETTE. Our Nation's Heri-
tage. New York: American Book Co., 1925.

HART, ALBERT BUSHNELL. New American History. New York: Amer-
ican Book Co., 1917.

. School History of the United States. New York: American

Book Co., 1920.

260 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

HAYES, CARLETON J. H., and MOON, THOMAS PARKER. Modern His-
tory. New York: Macmillan Co., 1925.
HODGDON, JEANETTE RECTOR. A First Course in American History.

B{ook I, Discoverers, Explorers and Colonists. Boston: D. C.

Heath & Co., 1908.
. A First Course in American History. Book II, The National

Period. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1922.
HORNE, CHARLES F. The Story of Our American People. 2 Vols.

New York: United States History Pub. Co., 1925.
HULBERT, ARCHER BUTLER. United States History. Garden City:

Doubleday, Page & Co., 1923.

JAMES, JAMES ALTON, and SANFORD, ALBERT HART. American His-
tory. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1923.
JONES, GEORGE J., and SLEMON, EMILY F. Modern World Setting

for American History. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1925.
KNOWLTON, DANIEL C., and HOWE, SAMUEL B. Essentials in Modern

European History. New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1919.
LATANE, JOHN HOLIDAY. A History of the United States. Boston:

Allyn & Bacon, 1921.
LAWLER, THOMAS BONAVENTURE. Essentials of American History.

Boston: Ginn & Company, 1918.
LEONARD, ARTHUR R., and JACOBS, BERTHA E. The Nation's History.

New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1924.
LONG, WILLIAM J. America: A History of Our Country. Boston:

Ginn & Co., 1923.
MCCARTHY, CHARLES H. History of the United States for Catholic

Schools. New York: American Book Co., 1919.
MCLAUGHLIN, ANDREW C. A History of the American Nation. New

York: D. Appleton & Co., 1919.

MCLAUGHLIN, ANDREW C., and VAN TYNE, CLAUDE HALSTEAD. A His-
tory of the United States for Schools. New York: D. Appleton

& Co., 1923.
MCMASTER, JOHN BACH. A School History of the United States.

New York: American Book Co., 1920.
McNEAL, EDGAR HOLMES. Modern Europe and Its Beginnings. New

York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1925.
MACE, WILLIAM H. A Primary History. Chicago: Rand, McNally &

Co., 1924.
. A School History of the United States. Chicago: Rand,

McNally & Co., 1923.

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED 261

MACE, WILLIAM H., and BOGARDUS, FRANK S. History of the United
States. Chicago: Rand, McNally & Co., 1924.

MORRIS, CHARLES. Heroes of Discovery in America. Philadelphia:
J. B. Lippincott Co., 1919.

MUZZEY, DAVID SAVILLE. An American History. Boston: Ginn &
Co., 1923.

. History of the American People. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1927.

NIDA, WILLIAM LEWIS. The Dawn of American History in Europe.
New York: Macmillan Co., 1915.

O'HARA, JOHN P. A History of the United States. New York: Mac-
millan Co., 1919.

PARKMAN, MARY. Fighters for Peace. New York: Century Co., 1919.

PERRY, ARTHUR C., and PRICE, GERTRUDE A. American History: First
Book (1492-1783). New York: American Book Co., 1914.

PRATT, MARA L. America's Story for America's Children, I, The Be-
ginner's Book. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1900.

. America's Story for America's Children, II, Exploration and

Discovery A.D. 1000 to 1609. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1900.

. America's Story for America's Children, III, The Early

Colonies. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1901.

. America's Story for America's Children, IV, The Later

Colonial Period. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1901.

America's Story for America's Children, V, The Foundations

of the Republic. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1901.
. Stories of Colonial Children. Boston: Educational Pub. Co.,

1908.
PUMPHREY, MARGARET B. Pilgrim Stories. Chicago: Rand, McNally

& Co., 1910.
ROBBINS, CHARLES L., in collaboration with ELMER GREEN. School

History of the American People. Yonkers-on-Hudson, New

York: World Book Co., 1925.
ROBINSON, JAMES HARVEY. Medieval and Modern Times. Boston:

Ginn & Co., 1916.
RUGG, HAROLD; RUGG, EARLE; and SCHWEPPE, EMMA. "Town and

City Life in America," Social Science Pamphlets, Vol. I,

Pamphlet No. 1, "Seventh Grade Series." New York: Harold

Rugg, Teachers College, Columbia University.
. "Resources, Industries and Cities of America," Social

Science Pamphlets, Vol. I, Pamphlet No. 2, "Seventh Grade

262 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Series." New York: Harold Rugg, Teachers College, Columbia

University.
. "Industries and Trade Which Bind Nations Together/'

Social Science Pamphlets, Vol. I, Pamphlet No. 3, "Seventh

Grade Series." New York: Harold Rugg, Teachers College,

Columbia University.
. "Industries and Trade Which Bind Nations Together/'

Social Science Pamphlets, Vol. I, Pamphlet No. 4, "Seventh

Grade Series." New York: Harold Rugg, Teachers College,

Columbia University.
. "Explorers and Settlers Westward Bound," Social Science

Pamphlets, Vol. II, Pamphlet No. 1, "Eighth Grade Series."

New York: Harold Rugg, Teachers College, Columbia University.
. "The Mechanical Conquest of America," Social Science Pam-

phlets, Vol. II, Pamphlet No. 2, "Eighth Grade Series." New

York: Harold Rugg, Teachers College, Columbia University.
SHERIDAN, BERNARD M. The Liberty Reader. Chicago: Benjamin H.

Sanborn& Co., 1918.
SMITH, HARRY B. Industrial History. New York: Macmillan Co.,

1923.
STEPHENSON, NATHANIEL WRIGHT, and STEPHENSON, MARTHA

TUCKER. A School History of the United States. Boston: Ginn

& Co., 1921.
TAPPAN, EVA MARCH. American Hero Stories. Boston: Houghton

Mifflin Co., 1920.

THOMPSON, CHARLES MANFRED. History of the United States: Politi-
cal, Industrial, Social. Chicago: Benjamin H. Sanborn Co.,

1922.
THOMPSON, JOHN GILBERT, and BIGWOOD, INEZ. Lest We Forget.

Boston: Silver, Burdett & Co., 1918.
THOMPSON, WADDY. A History of the People of the United States.

Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1919.
. The First Book in United States History. Boston: D. C.

Heath & Co., 1921.
THWAITES, REUBEN GOLD, and KENDALL, CALVIN NOYES. A History

of the United States for Grammar Schools. Revised by F. L.

PAXSON. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1924.
TRYON, ROLLA M., and LINGLEY, CHARLES R. The American People

and Nation. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1927.
VOLLENTINE, GRACE. The Making of America. Boston: Ginn & Co.,

1925.

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED 263

WELLS, Louis RAY. Industrial History of the United States. New
York: Macmillan Co., 1923.

WEST, RUTH, and WEST, WILLIS MASON. The Story of Our Country.
Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1926.

WEST, WILLIS MASON. History of the American People. Boston:
Allyn & Bacon, 1918.

. Modern Progress. Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1920.

. World Progress. Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1922.

WHITE, HENRY ALEXANDER. Beginner's History of the United States.
New York: American Book Co., 1919.

WOODBURN, JAMES ALBERT, and MORAN, THOMAS FRANCIS. Elemen-
tary American History and Government. New York: Longmans,
Green & Co., 1925.

. Finders and Founders of the New World. New York: Long-
mans, Green & Co., 1925.

. Introduction to American History. New York: Longmans,

Green & Co., 1916.

BOOKS IN CIVICS, SOCIOLOGY, IN ECONOMIC AND
POLITICAL PROBLEMS

ADAMS, THOMAS SEWALL, and SUMNER, HELEN L. Labor Problems.

New York: Macmillan Co., 1917.
AMES, EDGAR W., and ELDRED, ARVIE. Community Civics. New York:

Macmillan Co., 1921.
ASHLEY, ROSCOE LEWIS. The New Civics. New York: Macmillan

Co., 1917.
BAILEY, CAROLYN SHERWIN. What To Do for Uncle Sam. Chicago:

A. Flanagan, 1925.

BEARD, CHARLES A., and BEARD, MARY RITTER. American Citizen-
ship. New York: Macmillan Co., 1916.
BENNION, MILTON. Citizenship. Yonkers-on-Hudson, New York:

World Book Co., 1925.
BERRY, MARGARET K., and HOWE, SAMUEL B. Actual Democracy.

New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1923.
BINFORD, J. H., and GRAFF, E. U. The Young American Citizen.

Richmond: Johnson Pub. Co., 1922.
BROOKS, EUGENE. Our Dual Government. Chicago: Rand, McNally

& Co., 1924.
BROOKS, JOHN GRAHAM. An American Citizen. Boston: Houghton

Mifflin Co., 1910

264 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

BURCH, HENRY REED. American Economic Life. New York: Mac-

millan Co., 1921.
BURCH, HENRY REED, and PATTERSON, S. HOWARD. American Social

Problems. New York: Macmillan Co., 1922.
. Problems of American Democracy. New York: Macmillan

Co., 1922.
BRYANT, SARA CONE. I Am an American. Boston: Houghton Mifflin

Co., 1920.
CABOT, ELLA LYMAN; ANDREWS, FANNIE FERN; COE, FANNY E.;

HILL, MABEL; and MCSKINNON, MARY. A Course in Citizenship.

Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1914, 1924.
DAVIS, SHELDON E., and McCLURE, CLARENCE H. Our Government.

Chicago: Laidlaw Bros., 1922.
DAWSON, EDGAR. Organised Self -Government. New York: Henry

Holt & Co., 1920.
DOLE, CHARLES F. The New American Citizen. Boston; D. C. Heath

& Co., 1918.
DUNN, ARTHUR M. Community Civics for City Schools. Boston:

D. C. Heath & Co., 1921.
DUNN, ARTHUR W. Community Civics and Rural Life. Boston: D. C.

Heath & Co., 1920.
ELLWOOD, CHARLES A. Sociology and Modern Social Problems. New

York: American Book Co., 1919, 1924.
FAIRCHILD, FRED ROGERS. Essentials of Economics. New York:

American Book Co., 1923.
FAIRCHILD, HENRY PRATT. Elements of Social Science. New York:

Macmillan Co., 1924.

. Immigration. New York: Macmillan Co., 1918.

FAUBEL, ARTHUR L. Principles of Economics. New York: Harcourt,

Brace & Co., 1923.
FINCH, CHARLES EDGAR. Everyday Civics. New York: American

Book Co., 1921.
FORMAN, S. E. The American Democracy. New York: Century Co.,

1920.

. The American Republic. New York: Century Co., 1911.

. First Lessons in Civics. New York: American Book Co.,

1898.
FRADENBURGH, A. G. Elements of Economics. New York: Charles

Scribner's Sons, 1921.
GARNER, JAMES W. Government in the United States. New York:

American Book Co., 1913.

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED 265

GETTELL, RAYMOND GARFIELD. The Constitution of the United States.

Boston: Ginn & Co., 1924.
GREENAN, JOHN T., and MEREDITH, ALBERT B. Everyday Problems of

American Democracy. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1924.
GUITTEAU, WILLIAM BACKUS. Preparing for Citizenship. Boston:

Houghton Mifflin Co., 1918.
HART, JOSEPH K. Social Life and Institutions. Yonkers-on-Hudson,

New York: World Book Co., 1924.
HAYES, BRIDGET T. American Democracy. New York: Henry Holt

& Co., 1921.
HEFNER, WALTER R., and HEFNER, FRANCES K. The Good Citizen.

Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1924.
HILL, HOWARD COPELAND. Community Life and Civic Problems.

Boston: Ginn & Co., 1922.
HILL, MABEL. Lessons for Junior Citizens. Boston: Ginn & Co.,

1906.
HUGHES, R. O. Economic Civics. Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1921.

. New Community Civics. Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1924.

•. A Text-Book in Citizenship. Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1923.

JAMES, JAMES ALTON, and SANFORD, ALBERT HART. Our Government

in State and Nation. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1917.
JENKS, JEREMIAH WHIPPLE, and SMITH, RUFUS SAMUEL. We and Our

Government. New York: American Viewpoint Society, 1922.
LANSING, ROBERT, and JONES, GARY M. Government, Its Origin,

Growth and Form in the United States. New York: Silver, Bur-

dett & Co., 1911.
LAPP, JOHN A. Our America, the Elements of Civics. Indianapolis:

Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1917.
LEVIS, ELLA CANNON. Citizenship. New York: Harcourt, Brace &

Co., 1923.
LONG, JOSEPH R. Government and the People. New York: Charles

Scribner's Sons, 1922.

MAGRUDER, FRANK ABBOTT. American Government with a Considera-
tion of the Problems of Democracy. Boston: Allyn & Bacon,

1921 and 1924.

MARSHALL, LEON C., and LYON, LEVERETT S. Our Economic Organi-
zation. New York: Macmillan Co., 1922.
MAVITY, ARTHUR BENTON, and MAVITY, NANCY BARR. Responsible

Citizenship. Chicago: Benjamin H. Sanborn & Co., 1923.
MILLER, CHESTER F. The March of Democracy. Boston: D. C. Heath

& Co., 1925.

266 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

MOREHOUSE, FRANCES, and GRAHAM, SYBIL FLEMING. American Prob-
lems. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1923.

MORGAN, DsWiTT S. Living and Working Together. New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1923.

MUNRO, WILLIAM BENNETT. Current Problems in Citizenship. New
York: Macinillan Co., 1924.

MUNRO, WILLIAM BENNETT, and OZANNE, CHARLES EUGENE. Social
Civics. New York: Macmillan Co., 1925.

PARSONS, GEOFFREY. The Land of Fair Play. New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1919.

REED, THOMAS HARRISON. Loyal Citizenship. Yonkers-on-Hudson,
New York: World Book Co., 1922.

REXFORD, FRANK A., and CARSON, CLARA. The Constitution of Our
Country. New York: American Book Co., 1924.

RILEY, EUGENE B. Economics for Secondary Schools. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1924.

SHEPHERD, WILLIAM G. The Boy's Own Book of Politics for Uncle
Sam's Young Voters. New York: Macmillan Co., 1924.

SOUTHWORTH, A. T. The Common Sense of the Constitution of the
United States. Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1924.

TOWNE, EZRA THAYER. Social Problems. New York: Macmillan Co.,
1924.

TURKINGTON, GRACE A. Community Civics, Life, Liberty and the
Pursuit of Happiness in the United States. Boston: Ginn &
Co., 1924.

. My Country: A Textbook in Civics and Patriotism for Young

Americans. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1918.

WILLIAMSON, THOMAS Ross. Problems in American Democracy. Bos-
ton: D. C. Heath & Co., 1922.

WOODBURN, JAMES ALBERT, and MORAN, THOMAS FRANCIS. The Citi-
zen and the Republic. New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1918.

ZIEGLER, SAMUEL H., and JACQUETTE, HELEN. Our Community. Phil-
adelphia: John C. Winston Co., 1918.

TEXTBOOKS IN GEOGRAPHY

ALLEN, NELLIE B. Africa, Australia and the Islands of the Pacific*
(Geographical and Industrial Studies). Boston: Ginn & Co.,
1924.

. Asia (Geographical and Industrial Studies). Boston: Ginn

& Co., 1916.

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED 267

— . The New Europe {Geographical and Industrial Studies).
Boston: Ginn & Co., 1920.

— . North America {Geographical and Industrial Studies). Bos-
ton: Ginn & Co., 1922.

— . South America (Geographical and Industrial Studies). Bos-
ton: Ginn & Co., 1918.
— . United States (Geographical and Industrial Studies). Bos-

ton: Ginn & Co., 1925.
BARROWS, HARLAN H., and PARKER, EDITH PUTNAM. Geography:

Journeys in Distant Lands. New York: Silver, Burdett & Co.,

1924.
. United States and Canada. New York: Silver, Burdett &

Co., 1925.
BEEBY, DANIEL J., and BEEBY, DOROTHEA. How the World Grows

Smaller. New York: Charles E. Merrill Co., 1924.
BISHOP, AVARD LONGLEY, and KELLER, ALBERT GALLOWAY. Industry

and Trade. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1923.
BLAISDELL, ETTA AUSTIN, and BLAISDELL, MARY FRANCES. Child Life

in Many Lands. A Third Reader. New York: Macmillan Co.,

1900.
BRIGHAM, ALBERT PERRY, and MCFARLANE, CHARLES T. Essentials

of Geography. First Book. New York: American Book Co.,

1916.

. Essentials of Geography, Second Book. New York: Ameri-
can Book Co., 1920.
CARPENTER, FRANK G. Asia. Carpenter's New Geographical Reader.

New York: American Book Co., 1923.
. North America. Carpenter's New Geographical Reader.

New York: American Book Co., 1922.
. South America. Carpenter's New Geographical Reader.

New York: American Book Co., 1921.

CHAMBERLAIN, JAMES FRANKLIN. How We Are Clothed. A Geograph-
ical Reader. New York: Macmillan Co., 1923.
. How We Are Fed. A Geographical Reader. New York:

Macmillan Co., 1923.
. How We Are Sheltered. A Geographical Reader. New

York: Macmillan Co., 1924.
. How We Travel: A Geographical Reader. New York: Mac-

millan Co., 1924.

CHANCE, LULU MAUDE. Little Folks of Many Lands. Boston: Ginn
& Co., 1904.

268 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

CLARK, ROSE B. Unit Studies in Geography. Yonkers-on-Hudson,
New York: World Book Co., 1924.

CLARK, VINNIE B. Europe. New York: Silver, Burdett & Co., 1925.

FAIRGRIEVE, JAMES, and YOUNG, ERNEST. Children of Many Lands:
Human Geography by Grades. Book One. New York: D. Apple-
ton & Co., 1923.

. Homes Far Away: Human Geography by Grades. Book

Two. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1923.

HUNTINGTON, ELLSWORTH. Asia. A Geography Reader. Chicago:
Rand, McNally & Co., 1923.

KNOWLTON, PHILIP A. First Lessons in Geography. New York: Mac-
millan Co., 1924.

LEFFERTS, WALTER. Ouf Own United States. Philadelphia: J. B.
Lippincott Co., 1925.

McMuRRY, FRANK M., and PARKINS, A. E. Advanced Geography.
New York: Macmillan Co., 1923.

MIRICK, GEORGE A. Home Life around the World. Boston : Houghton
Mifflin Co., 1923.

MORRIS, CHARLES. Home Life in All Lands. Book One: How the
World Lives. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1907.

. Home Life in All Lands. Book Two: Manners and Customs

of Uncivilized Peoples. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1909.

PACKARD, LEONARD O., and SINNOTT, CHARLES P. Nations as Neigh-
bors. New York: Macmillan Co., 1925.

PERDUE, H. Avis. Child Life in Other Lands. Chicago: Rand, Mc-
Nally & Co., 1918.

PITKIN, WALTER B., and HUGHES, HAROLD F. Seeing America. Book
One: Farm and Field. New York: Macmillan Co., 1924.

ROBINSON, EDWARD VAN DYKE. Commercial Geography. Chicago:
Rand, McNally & Co., 1920.

SALISBURY, ROLLIN D.; BARROWS, HARLAN H.; and TOWER, WALTER
S. The Elements of Geography. New York: Henry Holt &
Co., 1913.

SMITH, J. RUSSELL. Commerce and Industry. New York: Henry
Holt & Co., 1916.

. Human Geography Book Onef Peoples and Countries. Phil-
adelphia: John C. Winston Co., 1921.

. Book Two, Regions and Trade. Philadelphia: John C. Win-
ston Co., 1922.

. Industrial and Commercial Geography. New York: Henry

Holt & Co., 1925.

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED 269

TARR, RALPH S., and McMuRRY, FRANK M. New Geographies: First

Book. New York: Macmillan Co., 1920.

. Second Book. New York: Macmillan Co., 1920.

WHITBECK, R. H. High School Geography. New York: Macmillan

Co., 1922.

READERS

BAILEY, CAROLYN SHERWIN. Friendly Tales. Springfield, Massachu-
setts: Milton Bradley Co., 1923.

BAKER, FRANKLIN T.; THORNDIKE, ASHLEY H.; and BATCHELDER,
MILDRED. Everyday Classics: Second Reader. New York: Mac-
millan Co., 1922.

BAKER, FRANKLIN T., and THORNDIKE, ASHLEY H. Everyday Clas-
sics: Third Reader. New York: Macmillan Co., 1917.

. Everyday Classics: Fourth Reader. New York: Macmillan

Co., 1917.

. Everyday Classics: Fifth Reader. New York: Macmillan

Co., 1917.

. Everyday Classics: Sixth Reader. New York: Macmillan

Co., 1917.

. Everyday Classics: Seventh Reader. New York: Macmillan

Co., 1918.

. Everyday Classics: Eighth Reader. New York: Macmillan

Co., 1918.

BALDWIN, JAMES. The Story of Liberty. New York: American Book
Co., 1910.

BROWNE, HETTY S.; WITHERS, SARAH; and TATE, W. K. The Child's
World: Second Reader. Richmond: B. F. Johnson Pub. Co.,
1920.

. Third Reader. Richmond: B. F. Johnson Pub. Co., 1920.

COE, IDA, and SPECHT, LOUISE. Easy Steps in Reading. New York:
American Pub. Co., 1923.

COE, IDA, and DILLON, ALICE CHRISTIE. Story Hour Readers: Re-
vised Primer. New York: American Book Co., 1923.

. Story Hour Readers: Revised Book Two. New York: Ameri-
can Book Co., 1923.

COWLES, JULIA DARROW. Plays and Poems. Book One. Chicago: Row,
Peterson & Co., 1921.

DAVIDSON, ISABEL, and ANDERSON, CHARLES J. The Lincoln Readers:
Third Reader. New York: Laurel Book Co., 1922.

. The Lincoln Readers: Fourth Reader. New York: Laurel

Book Co., 1922.

270 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

DAVIDSON, ISABEL, and ANDERSON, CHARLES J. The Lincoln Readers:

Sixth Reader. New York: Laurel Book Co., 1923.
DEMAREST, A. J., and VAN SICKLE, WILLIAM M. New Education

Readers. 4 Vols: New York: American Book Co., 1900.
. New Education Readers Book One. New York: American

Book Co., 1918.
. New Education Readers Book Two. New York: American

Book Co., 1900.
. New Education Readers Book Three. New York: American

Book Co., 1901.
. New Education Readers Book Four. New York: American

Book Co., 1901.
DRESSEL, HERMAN; BOBBINS, MAY; and GRAFF, ELLIS U. The New

Barnes Readers: First Year, Second Half. New York: A. S.

Barnes Co., 1916.
. The New Barnes Readers, Book Two. New York: A. S.

Barnes Co., 1917.
. The New Barnes Readers, Book Four. Chicago: Laidlaw

Bros., 1921.
. The New Barnes Readers. New York: A. S. Barnes Co.,

1920.

DUNN, FANNIE WYCHE; BAKER, FRANKLIN T.; and THORNDIKE, ASH-
LEY H. Everyday Classics: First Reader. New York: Macmillan

Co., 1922.
DYER, FRANKLIN B., and BRADY, MARY J. The Merrill Readers:

Primer. New York: Charles E. Merrill Co., 1915.
. The Merrill Readers: First Reader. New York: Charles

E. Merrill Co., 1915.
. The Merrill Readers: Second Reader. New York: Charles

E. Merrill Co., 1915.
. The Merrill Readers: Fourth Reader. New York: Charles

E. Merrill Co., 1916.
. The Merrill Readers: Fifth Reader. New York: Charles

E. Merrill Co., 1916.
. The Merrill Readers: Sixth Reader. New York: Charles

E. Merrill Co., 1916.

ELSON, WILLIAM H., and BURRIS, MARY H. Child Library Readers.
Book Five, "The Elson Extension Series." Chicago : Scott, Fores-
man & Co., 1923.

ELSON, WILLIAM H., and RUNKEL, LURA E. The Elson Readers:
Primer. Chicago: Scott, Foresman & Co., 1920.

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED 271

. The Elson Readers: Book Two. Chicago: Scott, Foresman

& Co., 1920.

ELSON, WILLIAM H. The Elson Readers: Book Three. Chicago: Scott,
Foresman & Co., 1920.

ELSON, WILLIAM H., and KECK, CHRISTINE M. The Elson Readers:
Book Five. Chicago: Scott, Foresman & Co., 1920.

. The Elson Readers: Book Seven. Chicago: Scott, Fores-
man & Co., 1921.

ETTINGER, WILLIAM Louis; SHIMER, EDGAR DUBS; O'REGAN, JAMES J.
The Progressive Road to Silent Reading: Fourth Year. New
York: Silver, Burdett & Co., 1922.

FASSETT, JAMES H. The Beacon Fourth Reader. Boston: Ginn & Co.,
1917.

FIELD, WALTER TAYLOR. The Field First Reader. Boston: Ginn &
Co., 1921.

FRYER, JANE EAYRE. Our Home and Personal Duty. Young Ameri-
can Readers. Philadelphia: John C. Winston Co., 1918.

. Community Interest and Public Spirit. Young American

Readers. Philadelphia: John C. Winston Co., 1919.

. Our Town and Civic Duty. Young American Readers. Phil-
adelphia: John C. Winston Co., 1920.

GORDON, EMMA K., and STOCKARD, MARIETTA. Second Reader. Bos-
ton: D. C. Heath & Co., 1918.

GORDON, EMMA K. Third Reader. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1918.
— . Fourth Reader. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1918.

. Fifth Reader. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1918.

HALIBURTON, M. W. The Haliburton Primer. Boston: D. C. Heath
& Co., 1919.

. The Haliburton First Reader. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co.,

1919.

. The Haliburton Second Reader. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co.,

1919.

. The Haliburton Third Reader. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co.,

1919.

. The Haliburton Fourth Reader. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co.,

1913.

— . The Haliburton Fifth Reader. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co.,

1916.

HARTWELL, E. C. Story Hour Readings Fourth Year. New York:
American Book Co., 1921.

272 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

HARTWELL, E. C. Story Hour Readings Fifth Year. New York:

American Book Co, 1921.
. Story Hour Readings Sixth Year. New York: American

Book Co., 1921.

Story Hour Readings Seventh Year. New York: American

Book Co., 1921.

. Story Hour Readings Eighth Year. New York: American

Book Co., 1921.

The Heath Readers Primer. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1903.

The Heath Readers Second Reader. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co.,
1903.

The Heath Readers Fourth Reader. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co.,
1903.

The Heath Readers Fifth Reader. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co.,
1903.

The Heath Readers Sixth Reader. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co.,
' 1904.

HERVEY, WALTER L., and Hix, MELVIN. New Primer: The Horace
Mann Readers. New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1922.

. New Primer and New Daily Lesson Plans. New York:

Longmans, Green & Co., 1922.

. New First Reader and New Daily Lesson Plans. New

York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1922.

. The Horace Mann Readers: Introductory Fourth Reader.

New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1917.

. The Horace Mann Readers Fifth Reader. New York: Long-
mans, Green & Co., 1914.

. The Horace Mann Readers Sixth Reader. New York: Long-
mans, Green & Co., 1915.

. The Horace Mann Readers Seventh Reader. New York:

Longmans, Green & Co., 1918.

. The Horace Mann Readers Eighth Reader. New York:

Longmans, Green & Co., 1918.

HORN, ERNEST; CUTRIGHT, PRUDENCE; and HORN, MADELINE DAR-
RAUGH. The Learn To Study Readers: First Lessons in Learn-
ing To Study. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1926.

HORN, ERNEST, and McBRooM, MAUDE. Manual of Directions for
the Learn To Study Readers, Book II. Boston: Ginn & Co.,
1924.

HORN, ERNEST, and MOSCRIP, RUTH M. The Learn To Study Read-
ers. Book IV, Grade Five. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1926.

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED 273

LEWIS, WILLIAM D.; ROWLAND, ALBERT LINDSAY; and GEHRES, ETHEL

H. MALTBY. The Silent Readers: First Reader. Philadelphia:

John C. Winston Co., 1924.
. The Silent Readers First Reader Manual. Philadelphia:

John C. Winston Co., 1924.
. The Silent Readers Second Reader. Philadelphia: John C.

Winston Co., 1924.
. The Silent Readers Third Reader. Philadelphia: John C.

Winston Co., 1923.
. The Silent Readers Fourth Reader. Philadelphia: John C.

Winston Co., 1920.
. The Silent Readers Fifth Reader. Philadelphia: John C.

Winston Co., 1920.
. The Silent Readers Sixth Reader. Philadelphia: John C.

Winston Co., 1920.
LEWIS, WILLIAM D., and ROWLAND, ALBERT LINDSAY. The Silent

Readers Seventh Reader. Philadelphia: John C. Winston Co.,

1920.
LEWIS, WILLIAM D.; ROWLAND, ALBERT LINDSAY; and GEHRES, ETHEL

H. MALTBY. The Silent Readers Eighth Reader. Philadelphia:

John C. Winston Co., 1920.
LYMAN, ROLLO L., and HILL, HOWARD C. Literature and Living, Book

One. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1925.
. Literature and Living, Book Two. New York: Charles

Scribner's Sons, 1925.
. Literature and Living, Book Three. New York: Charles

Scribner's Sons, 1925.
McMANUs, HANNAH T., and HAAREN, JOHN H. The Natural Method

Readers: A Primer. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1914.
. The Natural Method Readers: A First Reader. New York:

Charles Scribner's Sons, 1914.
. The Natural Method Readers: A Second Reader. New

York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1915.

. The Natural Method Readers: A Third Reader. New York:

Charles Scribner's Sons, 1916.

McMANUs, HANNAH T. The Natural Method Readers : A Fifth Read-
er. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1918.

MILLER, SOPHIA A., and HUGHES, JAMES L. Midway Readers, Books
One, Two and Three. Chicago: Laidlaw Bros., 1922.

274 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

NICHOLSON, MEREDITH, ED. Heart of America Readers: A Primer, by
HANNAH T. McMANUs and JOHN H. HAAREN. New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1919.

. Heart of America Readers: A First Reader. New York:

Charles Scribner's Sons, 1919.

. Heart of America Readers: A Second Reader. New York:

Charles Scribner's Sons, 1919.
NICHOLSON, MEREDITH; HOWE, WILL D.; and PRITCHARD, MYRON T.

Heart of America Readers: A Third Reader. New York: Charles

Scribner's Sons, 1919.
. Heart of America Readers: A Fourth Reader. New York:

Charles Scribner's Sons, 1919.
PETERS, MERIAN SHAW. The Peters and Brumbaugh Method Readers,

Book Four. Philadelphia: Christopher Sower Co., 1919.
ROBBINS, MAY; DRESSEL, HERMAN; and GRAFF, ELLIS U. The New

Barnes Readers: First Year First Half. New York: A. S.

Barnes Co., 1916.
SEARSON, J. W. ; MARTIN, GEORGE E.; and TINLEY, LUCY WILLIAMS.

Studies in Reading: Additional Primer. Lincoln: University Pub.

Co., 1922.
. Studies in Reading: First Grade. Lincoln: University Pub.

Co., 1920.
. Studies in Reading: Second Grade. Lincoln: University

Pub. Co., 1920.
SEARSON, J. W., and MARTIN, GEORGE E. Studies in Reading: Third

Grade. Lincoln: University Pub. Co., 1920.

SMITH, CARRIE J. The Easy Road to Reading: Third Reader. Chi-
cago: Lyons & Carnahan, 1917.
WITHERS, SARAH; BROWNE, HETTY S.; and TATE, W. K. The Child's

World: Primer. Richmond, Virginia: B. F. Johnson Pub. Co.,

1920.

. The Child's World: First Reader. Richmond: B. F. John-
son Pub. Co., 1920.

FOREIGN LANGUAGE AND MUSIC
FRENCH TEXTBOOKS

BIERMAN, HENRY, and FRANK, COLMAN DUDLEY. A Conversational
French Reader for Beginners. Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1915.

CHARDENAL, C. A. Complete French Course. Boston: Allyn & Bacon,
1923.

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED 275

HALEVY, LUDOVIC. L'Abbe Constantin. New York: Henry Holt &

Co., 1894.
LABICHE, M. M. EUGENE, and MARTIN, EDOUARD. La poudre aux

yeux. New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1918.
. Le voyage de Monsieur Perrichon. New York: Henry

Holt & Co., 1905.
LAVISSE, ERNEST. Histoire de France. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co.,

1919.
MAIRET, JEANNE. La tache du petit Pierre. New York: American

Book Co., 1896.
MERAS, ALBERT A., and MERAS, B. Le premier livre. New York:

American Book Co., 1915.
MERAS, ALBERT A., and ROTH, SUZANNE. Petits conies de France.

New York: American Book Co., 1916.
DE MONVERT, ADOLPHE. La belle France. Boston: Allyn & Bacon,

1916.

ITALIAN TEXTBOOKS

DE AMICIS, EDMONDO. Cuore. OSCAR KUHNS, ED. New York: Henry
Holt & Co., 1923.

VAN HORNE, JOHN. II Risorgimento. ERNEST HATCH WILKINS, ED.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1922.

WILKINS, ERNEST HATCH, and MARINONI, ANTONIO. L'ltalia. Chi-
cago: University of Chicago Press, 1920.

WILKINS, LAWRENCE A., and SANTELLI, CATHARINE R. Beginners'
Italian Reader. New York: D. C. Heath & Co., 1925.

SPANISH TEXTBOOKS

DORADO, CAROLINA MARCIAL. Primeras lecturas en Espanol. Boston:

Ginn & Co., 1920.
HILLS, E. C., and FORD, J. D. M. First Spanish Course. Boston:

D. C. Heath & Co., 1917.
IBANEZ, BLASCO. Vistas Sudamericanus (Dorado). Boston: Ginn &

Co., 1920.
NELSON, ERNESTO. The Spanish American Reader. Boston: D. C.

Heath & Co., 1916.

PEREZ ESCRICH, ENRIQUE. Fortuna. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1907.
ROESSLER, ERWIN W., and REMY, ALFRED. First Spanish Reader.

New York: American Book Co., 1916.
VALERA, JUAN. El pdzaro verde. Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1918.

276 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

ALEXANDER, BIRDIE, ED. Songs We Like To Sing. New York: Silver,

Burdett & Co., 1912.
ARMITAGE, M. TERESA. Junior Laurel Songs. Boston: C. C. Birchard

& Co., 1917.

. Senior Laurel Songs. Boston: C. C. Birchard & Co., 1926.

. The Laurel Unison Book. Boston: C. C. Birchard & Co.,

1917.
DAMROSCH, WALTER; GARTLAN, GEORGE H.; and GEHRKENS, KARL

W., EDS. Universal School Music Series: Primer (1923). New

York: Hinds, Hayden & Eldredge.
. Universal School Music Series, Book One. New York: Hinds,

Hayden & Eldredge, 1923.
. Universal School Music Series, Book Two. New York:

Hinds, Hayden & Eldredge, 1923.
-. Universal School Music Series, Book Three. New York:

Hinds, Hayden & Eldredge, 1923.
. Universal School Music Series, Book Four. New York:

Hinds, Hayden & Eldredge, 1924.

DANN, HOLLIS. Music Course, First Year Music. New York: Ameri-
can Book Co., 1914.
. Music Course, Second Year Music. New York: American

Book Co., 1915.
. Music Course, Third Year Music. New York: American

Book Co., 1915.
. Music Course, Fourth Year Music. New York: American

Book Co., 1916.
. Music Course, Fifth Year Music. New York: American

Book Co., 1916.
. Music Course, Sixth Year Music. New York: American

Book Co., 1917.
. Music Course, Junior Music. New York: American Book

Co., 1917.

EARHART, WILL. Art Songs for High Schools. New York: Ameri-
can Book Co., 1910.

FARNSWORTH, CHARLES H. Grammar School Songs. New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1917.

FORESMAN, ROBERT. Book of Songs: First Book of Songs. New York:
American Book Co., 1925.

. Book of Songs, Second Book of Songs. New York: Ameri-
can Book Co., 1925.

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED 277

. Book of Songs, Third Book of Songs. New York: Ameri-
can Book Co., 1925.

. Book of Songs, Fourth Book of Songs. New York: Ameri-

'can Book Co., 1925.

Book of Songs, Fifth Book of Songs. New York: American

Book Co., 1926.
GIDDINGS, THADDEUS P.; EARHART, WILL; BALDWIN, RALPH L.; and

NEWTON, ELBRIDGE W. Music Education Series: Songs of Child-
hood. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1923.
. Music Education Series, Introductory Music. Boston: Ginn

& Co., 1923.
. Music Education Series, Juvenile Music. Boston: Ginn &

Co., 1925.
. Music Education Series, Elementary Music. Boston: Ginn

& Co., 1924.
. Music Education Series, Intermediate Music. Boston: Ginn

& Co., 1924.
. Music Education Series, Three Part Music. Boston: Ginn

& Co., 1925.
. Music Education Series, Junior Music. Boston: Ginn &

Co., 1924.

GIDDINOS, THADDEUS P., and NEWTON, ELBRIDGE W. The Junior Song
and Chorus Book. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1925.

JOHNSTONE, ARTHUR EDWARD, and LOOMIS, HARVEY WORTHINGTON.
Lyric Music Series: Primer. Chicago: Scott, Foresman & Co.,
1913.

. Lyric Music Series: First Reader. Chicago: Scott, Fores-
man & Co., 1912.

. Lyric Music Series: Second Reader. Chicago: Scott, Fores-
man & Co., 1912.

. Lyric Music Series: Third Reader. Chicago: Scott, Fores-
man & Co., 1913.

LIVERMORE, CHARLES HERBERT. The American Song Book. Boston:
Ginn & Co., 1917.

MCCONATHY, OSBOURNE. The School Song Book. Boston: C. C.
Birchard & Co., 1916.

NECOLLINS, J. E. Glee and Chorus Book. New York: American
Book Co., 1911.

PARKER, HORATIO; MCCONATHY, OSBOURNE; BIRGE, EDWARD BAILEY;
and MIESSNER, W. OTTO. The Progressive Music Series, Book
One. New York: Silver, Burdett & Co., 1920.

278 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

PARKER, HORATIO; McCoNATHY, OSBOURNE; BIRGE, EDWARD BAILEY;

and MIESSNER, W. OTTO. The Progressive Music Series, Book

Two. New York: Silver, Burdett & Co., 1920.
. The Progressive Music Series, Book Three. New York:

Silver, Burdett & Co., 1920.
-. The Progressive Music Series, Book Four. New York:

Silver, Burdett & Co., 1920.
SMITH, ELEANOR. Music Course: Primer. New York: American Book

Co., 1911.
. Music Course, Book One. New York: American Book Co.,

1908.
. Music Course, Book Two. New York: American Book Co.,

1908.
. Music Course, Book Three. New York: American Book Co.,

1908.
. Music Course, Book Four. New York: American Book Co.,

1908.

Twice 55 Community Songs, No. 1, The Brown Book. Boston: C. C.
Birchard & Co., 1919.

Twice 55 Community Songs, No. 2, The Green Book. Boston: C. C.
Birchard & Co., 1923.

WHITE, WILLIAM ALFRED, ED. Lake High School Song Book. Chi-
cago: Scott, Foresman & Co., 1916.

COURSES OF STUDY PREPARED BY STATE DEPARTMENTS
OF INSTRUCTION

General Course of Study for Arizona Schools. State Board of Edu-
cation, 1923.
Course of Study for High Schools, Part III, Social Science Studies

[Arkansas]. State Board of Education, 1925.
Colorado State Course of Study in Education. State Superintendent

of Public Instruction, 1922.
A Manual of the Social Studies for Secondary Schools [Connecticut] .

Hartford: State Board of Education, 1924.
A Course of Study in the Social Studies [Connecticut]. Hartford:

State Board of Education, 1924.
A Syllabus of a Proposed Course of Study of the History of Delaware

for the High Schools of Delaware.
Course of Study for the Elementary Schools of Florida. Tallahassee:

Department of Public Instruction, 1924.
Manual for Georgia Teachers. State Department of Education, 1925.

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED 279

Manual and Courses of Study for the High Schools of Idaho. State
Board of Education, 1923.

BURRIS, BENJAMIN J. History and Social Sciences, State of Indiana,
Department of Public Instruction, Bulletin No. 65-D. Indian-
apolis, Indiana, 1923.

FRANCIS, MAY E. An Analysis of the Constitution of the United States
and the Constitution of Iowa. Des Moines, Iowa: Published by
the State of Iowa, 1924.

•. A Syllabus for the Study of Civics in the High Schools

of Iowa. Des Moines, Iowa: Published by the State of Iowa,
1923.

MCCLENAHAN, P. E. Course in American Citizenship in the Grades.
For the Grammar Grades, VII, VIII. Des Moines, Iowa: Pub-
lished by the State of Iowa, 1921.

. For the Intermediate Grades, IV, V, VI. Des Moines, Iowa:

Published by the State of Iowa, 1921.

. For the Primary Grades, I, II, III. Des Moines, Iowa:

Published by the State of Iowa, 1921.

HARRIS, T. H. State Course of Study for Elementary Schools of
Louisiana. Department of Education, 1924. Baton Rouge, Louisi-
ana: Ramires-Jones Printing Co.

A Suggested Plan for the Study of the Constitution of the United
States in Elementary and Junior and Senior High Schools. Com-
monwealth of Massachusetts; Bulletin of the Department of
Education (1924), No. 4.

The High School Curriculum and Syllabi of High School Subjects
[Minnesota]. Bulletin Number 3-C. Social Studies, Introduction
to Social Science. St. Paul: Department of Education, 1925.

STATE OF MINNESOTA, DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION. Curriculum for
Elementary Schools. State Department of Education, January,
1923.

STATE OF MISSISSIPPI DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION. Bulletin No. 29
(1924), High Schools (abridged edition), by G. M. Ivy. Issued
by W. F. Bond, State Superintendent of Education.

Suggested Courses of Study for Missouri High Schools in American
Citizenship. Charles A. Lee, State Superintendent of Public
Schools.

State Course of Study for the Elementary Schools in the State of
Missouri. Charles A. Lee, State Superintendent of Public
Schools, 1924.

280 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

State Course of Study for Montana City Elementary Schools (1924).
Prepared by State Department of Public Instruction, Helena,
Montana.

State of Nevada, Supplement to the 1922 Elementary Courses of
Study and the 1923 Text Book Adoptions. Carson City: State
Printing Office, 1923.

Program of Studies Recommended for the Public Schools of New
Hampshire Grades VII and VIII. State Board of Education.
4th ed., 1924.

STATE OF NEW JERSEY DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, Tren-
ton. Syllabus of Social Studies for Secondary Schoolsf February,
1925.

New Mexico Common Schools Course of Study (1923).

Courses of Study for the High Schools of North Carolina. Educa-
tional Publication No. 79. Raleigh, North Carolina: Published
by the State Superintendent of Public Instruction.

STATE OF OKLAHOMA DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION. Course
of Study for the Common Schools. Grades 1-8 (1924). Bul-
letin No. 101. Oklahoma City.

Course of Study for the High Schools of Oregon. (1925-27). Salem,
Oregon: Department of Education, 1925.

STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA. Courses in the Social Studies. Harrisburg,
1926.

CARROLL, CHARLES. Outline of Government in Rhode Island for Use
in Schools. Public Education Service, State of Rhode Island,
1924.

High School Manual for South Dakota. Pierre: J. Fred Olander Co.,
1922.

DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION, STATE OF TENNESSEE. High School
Manual (1925). For county high schools.

Texas High School Course of Study. No. 196. State Department of
Education, 1925.

Manual and Course of Study Elementary Grades Public Schools of
Texas (1924-25). Bulletin 184. Department of Education.

Utah Course of Study for the Secondary Schools: The Junior High
School. Salt Lake City: State Department of Public Instruction,
1923.

. The Senior High School. Salt Lake City: State Depart-
ment of Public Instruction, 1923.

LIST OF BOOKS ANALYZED 281

High Schools of Vermont Manual and Courses of Study. Issued by

State Board of Education. Whole Bulletin No. 1 (1923).
State Courses of Study High Schools of Virginia, History and Social

Science. Bulletin State Board of Education, Supplement No. 2.

Richmond, 1925.
A Manual for the High Schools of Wisconsin. Madison, Wisconsin:

Issued by John Callahan, 1924.

COURSES OF STUDY IN CITY SCHOOL SYSTEMS

DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION, CITY OF BALTIMORE. The Social Studies

Course of Study for Senior and Junior High Schools. Baltimore,

1925.
BOSTON PUBLIC SCHOOLS. Course in Citizenship through Character

Development Grades I to VIII. Boston, 1924.
CLARK, M. G. Progress and Patriotism. Bloomington, Illinois : Public

School Pub. Co., 1923.
DENVER. Course of Study Monograph, Grades Seven, Eight and

Nine. No. 3. Denver: Public Schools, 1924.
. Course of Study Monograph, Senior High School. No. 19.

Denver: Public Schools, 1926.
. Course of Study Monograph, Elementary School. No. 20.

Denver: Public Schools, 1926.
DEPARTMENT OF SUPERINTENDENCE. Fourth Yearbook. The Nation

at Work on Its Public School Curriculum. Washington, D.C.:

Department of Superintendence, 1926.
DETROIT. Courses of Study, Social Science Grades 1—6. Detroit:

Board of Education, 1927.

INDIANAPOLIS PUBLIC SCHOOLS. Course of Study in American Citizen-
ship. Indianapolis, 1922.
NEW YORK. Syllabus for High Schools and Junior High Schools:

First Year Civics. New York: Board of Education, 1923.
. Character Education in High Schools. New York: Board of

Education, 1924.
OMAHA. Public School Course of Study in History Elementary

Grades. Omaha: Board of Education, 1923.
ST. Louis. Social Studies Curriculum Bulletin, Nos. 6, 13, 25, 26,

27, 28. St. Louis: Board of Education, 1926.

282 CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

TRENTON, NEW JERSEY. History, Elementary Course of Study. Tren-
ton: Board of Education, 1922.

. History, Secondary Course of Study, Grades 7 and 8. Tren-
ton: Board of Education, 1924.

. American History, Secondary Course of Study. Trenton:

Board of Education, 1923.

. Early European History, Secondary Course of Study. Tren-
ton: Board of Education, 1924.

. Modern European History Course of Study, Grade 11. Tren-

ton: Board of Education, 1924.

INDEX

INDEX

Acts of Trade, 15

Adams, John Quincy, 120, 169, 204

Adams, Samuel, 117, 154

Alabama Claims, 43

Alamo, story of, 71

Alaska, 77

Allen, Ethan, 118, 204-5

Allen, N. B., South America, 190

Alsace-Lorraine, 60, 61, 62; in French
textbooks, 223-24

Altschul, Charles, study of American
Revolution in fifty-three textbooks, 22,
29-30

"America," song, 217

America. See United States

"America the Beautiful," 217

"America Education Week," 248

"America to Great Britain," 201

"America for Me," 217

America in music textbooks: glory of
service to country, 218-19; homage to
the flag, 220; land of freedom and
peace, 217-18; patriotism, 221; war
extolled, 220

American colonies: navigation laws, 13;
protection of colonists by England, 12;
racial elements in, 13; transportation of
criminals to, 13. See American Revolu-
tion

"American's Creed," 210

American flag: in courses of study in
citizenship, 244-45; in courses of study
in history, 247; in music, 221; pledge
of citizenship, 171, 210; in the readers,
207-11; as a symbol, 114-16, 170-71,
247; valor and achievement of our
heroes in order to preserve the, 169

"American Flag, The," 207

American Legion, 19, 115, 248-49; text-
book sponsored by, 8

American Revolution, 13-35; attitude of
colonists toward allies, 50; British and
Colonial troops compared, 25, 27 ff . ;
effect of description of, 24, 27-28; effect
on popular government, 23; employment
of German mercenaries in, 55; French
alliance, 49; study by Altschul, 29 ff.

American School Citizenship League,
Course with Type Studies, 41

American seamen, impressment of, 33.
See War of 1812

Americans, characteristics of: in arts and
science, 108-9; in education, 109-10;
feeling of superiority over other nations,
124-25; loyalty to heroic characters,
117-21; sense of nationality, 116-17.
See United States

Ames and Eldred, Community Civics, 141,
142, 144, 145, 147, 148, 149, 152, 169,
170, 171

Andros episode, 10

Anglo-American relations: Alabama
claims, 42; arbitration of claims, 42 ff.;
during Civil War, 42; increased friend-
ship for the United States, 46; regard-
ing Monroe Doctrine, 42; Oregon dis-
pute, 41; portrayal of, in textbooks dur-
ing American Revolution and present
day, 46-47; seal fisheries controversy,
43; during Spanish- American War, 46;
Venezuelan boundary dispute, 44;
Webster- Ashburton Treaty, 42; during
World War, 46

"Anvil Chorus," 221

Arbitration, Anglo-American, 42 ff .

Argentine, 75

Argonne, battle of, 66

Arizona, General Course of Study, 242,
244, 246

Arkansas, Course of Study for High
Schools, 248

Armenians, as immigrants to America, 162

"Army of Peace, The," 212

Arnold, Benedict, 119

Articles of Confederation, 103

Ashley, R. L., The New Civics, 143, 145,
147, 148, 152, 165, 166, 169, 170, 171

Asiatics: early progress of, 181-83; trade
with the United States, 186-87

Atkinson, A. M., European Beginnings of
American History, 86

Austria, attitude toward in European his-
tory textbooks, 131-33

Bagley, W. G. C., character of treatment
of American Revolution, 15

285

286

CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Bailey, C. S., What To Do far Uncle Sam,
148, 170

Baker and Thorndike, Everyday Classics:
Second, 211; Third, 205, 210; Fifth,
204, 212; Sixth, 204, 205, 212; Seventh,
196, 203, 205, 207, 212

Baldwin, James, The Story of Liberty, 9,
52, 198, 201*, 202, 204, 206, 207, 213

Balfour: speech of, 201-2; visit of, to
United States, 53

Baltimore, Course for Senior and Junior
High Schools, 249

Barker, Webb, and Dodd, The Growth of
a Nation, Q, 19, 21

Barnes, Everett, American History for
Grammar Grades, 12, 16, 19, 21, 26, 34,
38, 44, 49, 52, 59, 62, 81, 82, 86, 88, 97,
110, 112, 118, 119, 121; Short American
History for Grades, 13, 31, 36, 40, 43, 52,
56, 69, 81, 82, 88, 97, 99, 101, 105, 121

Barry, John, 118

"Battle Cry of Freedom," the, 217

"Battle Hymn of the Republic," 217

Beard and Bagley, First Book in American
History, 101, 105, 108, 118; The History
of the American People, 15, 19, 21, 26,
32, 34, 42, 49, 51, 56, 58, 59, 63, 88, 96,
98, 99, 104, 118

Beard, C. A., and Mary R.: American
Citizenship, 141, 142, 144, 145, 147,
148; character of treatment of American
Revolution, 15; History of the United
States, 8, 16, 19, 21, 24, 32, 34, 41, 42,
46, 50, 53, 55, 59, 72, 74, 78, 81, 82, 90,
91, 93, 95, 96, 98, 99, 101, 105, 112, 113,
119

Beecher, Henry Ward, 208

Belgium: characteristics of people, 180;

invasion of, 63-65, 179; plan of annexa-
tion of, by Germany, 61
Bennett, Henry Holcomb, 207
Bennion, Milton, Citizenship, 142, 143
Berlin-to-Bagdad Railway, 61
Berry and Howe, Actual Democracy, 141,

142, 143, 144, 147, 152, 153, 154, 155,

156, 157, 162, 163, 168
Bill of Rights, 143, 154. See American

Political Theories
Binford and Graff, The Young American

Citizen, 141, 145, 148, 168, 171
Bismarck, 57
Blaisdell and Blaisdell, Child Life in

Many Lands, 175, 177
Bolsheviki, 78-79, 134, 179
Boone, Daniel, 120

Boston, course of study, in, 249

"Boston Massacre," 204

Bourne and Benton: American History, 7,
19, 21, 23, 34, 38, 40, 41, 42, 46, 49, 52,
59, 69, 76, 77, 81, 84, 90, 101, 104, 107,
117, 118, 121; character of treatment
of American Revolution, 15; History of
the United States, 12, 15, 16, 21, 25, 41,
50, 57, 62, 63, 70, 96, 99, 118, 119

"Boy, the Bees and the British, The," 202

Braddock, General, 11-13

Brazil, 75, trade with the United States,
186

Breed's Hill, 25

Brest-Litovsk, Treaty of, 78

Brigham and McFarlane, Essentials of
Geography: First Book, 179, 181, 184,
190

Bright, John, 43

Brooks, Eugene, Our Dual Government,
140, 141, 145, 146, 148, 163, 165, 168,
169, 170

Brown, John, 120

Bryant, S. C., I Am an American, 145,
148, 153, 154, 157, 159, 168, 169, 170,
171

Bryant, William Cullen, 204

Bryce, Viscount, 142

Burch, H. R., American Economic Life,
157, 162, 163

Burch and Patterson, Problems of Ameri-
can Democracy, 145, 146, 147, 149, 151,
152, 155, 157, 160, 162, 163, 164, 166, 168

Burke, Edmund, 203

Burnham, Smith, The Making of Our
Country, 3, 4, 5, 11, 12, 15, 19, 21, 23,
25, 28, 32, 34, 38, 44, 48, 50, 52, 55, 56,
58, 59, 62, 82, 88, 89, 91, 95, 97, 104,
107, 112, 113, 118, 121

Cabot, E. L., and others, A Course in
Citizenship, 145, 146, 148, 159, 165

Calhoun, John C., 34, 120

Canada: desire for, by United States,
33-35; relations with the United States,
41,68

"Capture of Ticonderoga, The," 204

Caribbean Sea, American interest in, 98,
99. See Foreign policy of the United
States; Protectorates; Monroe Doc-
trine

Carpenter, F. G., Asia, 177, 181, 183, 186,
187, 189; Europe, 176, 178, 179, 180,
181, 185, 189; North America, 189, 190;
South America, 181, 183, 186

INDEX

287

"Catching a Spy," 197-98

Catholics. See Irish

Charming, Edward: character of treat-
ment of American Revolution, 15; A
Students' History of the United States,
3, 4, 7, 8, 15, 24, 34, 36, 41, 42, 43, 52,
59, 69, 84, 90, 92, 100, 104, 119, 121;
Elements of United States History, 11,
12, 26, 31, 35, 52, 56, 96, 104, 118, 119

Chardenal, Complete French Course, treat-
ment of attitude of Alsatians toward
Germany and France, 223, 224

Charlemagne, as a heroic figure in French
textbooks, 222

Chesapeake and Leopard Affair, 37; atti-
tudes engendered by discussion of, 37

Cheyney, W. Walker, Education for
International Goodwill, 251

Child Library Readers, Book Five, 202, 212

Child's World, The, Second Reader, 211

Chile, 75, 183

Chinese: characteristics of, 175, 182-83;
early progress of, 182

Chinese- American relations: in Boxer
Rebellion, 82; commerce with the
United States, 187; friendly attitude of
the United States, 183; Open Door
Policy, 82; restriction of Chinese in the
United States, 81-82, 160-61

Citizen, the, definition of, 139

Citizenship: courses in, 243-46; blessings
of, 140 ff.; exercise of the suffrage, 144-
46; obedience to law, 114, 148, 150;
office holding, 146-47; payment of
taxes, 149; preservation of, by organ-
ized government, 140-44; responsibili-
ties of, 139 ff.; rights of, 142 ff.; serv-
ice to the country in time of war, 149-
50, 213; service on juries, 148-49; text-
books in, 141-77

"Civic Creed for the Boys and Girls of
the Great Republic," 210

Civil service reform, 105, 146

Civil War: English attitude toward, 42;

friendly attitude of Russia, in, 77;

French attitude toward, 53; negro in,

163
Clark, George Rogers, 169

Clark, M. G., Progress and Patriotism,

250, 251

Clay, Henry, 34, 120, 169
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 45
Cleveland, course of study, 250
Cleveland, Grover, 120
Cobden, Richard, 43

Coe, F. E., Founders of Our Country, 9,
119; Heroes of Everyday Life, 251

Colombia, 95-96

Colonial period, characteristics of, 10

Colonists, attitude toward English laws,
14-15; attitude toward Napoleon, 52;
character of, 15; political beliefs of, 15;
smuggling, 15. See American Revolu-
tion; England

Colorado: course of study, 247; Denver
schools, 249, 250

"Columbia, the Gem of the Ocean," 217

Columbus, Christopher, 117

Committee on World Friendship, 252

"Concord Hymn," 204

Confederacy, English attitude toward, 42

Connecticut, course in citizenship, 244

Constitution, the, 103, 104-5; as the
fundamental law of the land, 141 ; ideals
expressed in, 142-43; preamble of, 144,
147, 169, 202

Coolidge, Susan, 212

Course with Type Studies, 41

Course of study in city school systems,
249-52

Courses of study, 242-53

Courses of study prepared by state de-
partments of instruction: citizenship,
243-46; geography, 242-43; history,
246-49

"Creed of Americanism, A," 210

Crevecour, quoted, 107-8

Cuba and the United States, 7, 93, 166.
See Spanish- American War; Depend-
encies of the United States

Curtis, George W., 204

Czechoslovaks: as immigrants to America,
162; trade with America, 185

Daffan, Katie, History of the United
States, 7, 20, 39, 42, 103, 113, 119, 120,
254

Daily lowan, 115

Daily Service, 212

Danes, characteristics of, 180

Danish Islands, 98

Davidson and Anderson, Lincoln Readers:
Third, 206; Fourth, 196, 203, 205;
Sixth, 211

Davis, Jefferson, 120

Davis and McClure, Our Government, 141,
142, 145, 147, 149, 154, 170

Dawson, Edgar, Organized Self-Govern-
ment, 148, 165

288

CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

De Amicis, Cuore, 225

Declaration of Independence, 103, 104,

105, 143, 204
Deering High School, Portland, Maine,

course of study in, 251
De Kalb, 53, 56
Demarest and Van Sickle, New Education

Readers: Book Two, 205, 210
Denver, course of study, in, 249
Department of Superintendence, Year

Book, 250

Dependencies of the United States, 93-99
Dewey, Admiral, 58, 120
Dickinson, John, 119
Dickson, Thomas J., Critique on American

School Histories, 123, 124
Diedrich, von, 58
Dole, Charles F., 212; The New American

Citizen, 143, 146, 147, 148, 170, 171
Dorado, C. M., Primeras lecturas en

Espanol, 224, 225
Douglas, Stephen, 120
Drake, Francis, 9
Drake, J. R., 207
Dressel and Graff, The New Barnes

Readers: Book Three, 207; Book Four,

204
Dunn, A. W., Community Civics for City

Schools, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147,

148, 149, 152, 164, 165, 167, 169, 170,

171
Dutch: characteristics of, 180; in the

United States, 84
Dyer, F. B., and M. J., Merrill Readers:

Fifth, 204, 207; Sixth, 211

Economic problems, textbooks in, 141-77

Ecuador, trade with the United States,
186

Edison, Thomas, 120

Education: American, 99, 109-10; for
enlightened voters, 145; free, 189;
influence of patriotism on, 253; interest
in, 253; for international good will, 251

Eggleston, Edward, First Book in Ameri-
can History, 7, 63, 97, 109, 112, 119

Ell wood, C. A., Sociology and Modern
Social Problems, 160, 161, 163

Elson, H. W.: Modern Times and the Liv-
ing Past, 132, 133, 134, 135; United
States: Its Past and Present, 8, 12, 13,
16, 19, 21, 25, 27, 28, 31, 35, 36, 37, 39,
41, 45, 50, 52, 56, 66, 68, 74, 81, 83, 90,
96, 97, 98, 101, 104, 107, 108, 110, 112,
113, 117, 118, 119, 121

Elson, W. H., and Runkel, M. H., Elson
Readers: Book Two, 196, 207, 210;
Book Three, 202, 212; Book Five, 205,
210; Book Seven, 199, 200, 203, 204,
205, 207, 208, 209

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 204

England: attitude toward colonists, 17,
19; attitude of colonists toward Eng-
lish laws, 15; attitude toward English
colonial policies, 21-22; attitude toward
United States in Civil War, 42; attitude
toward United States in Spanish-
American War, 46; in World War, 46,
202 ; characteristics of laws of 1696, 1732,
1750, 14; characteristics of people, 177-
78; in civics books, 153-56; in economic
and social problems books, 153-56; in
European histories, 135; evasion of laws
by colonists, 14; exploration, 9; in
histories, 9-47; immigrants from, 153-
56; impressment of American seamen,
32 ff . ; parent of American institutions,
47, 202; prevention of trade, 31; protec-
tion of colonists, 12; in readers, 201-5;
theory of representation, 17. See Ameri-
can Revolution; Colonists; Spanish-
American War; World War

English immigrant: characteristics of,
153; common ties between English im-
migrant and America, 155-56; rela-
tions with, during Colonial and Revolu-
tionary periods, 154-55
Eskimos, characteristics of, 180
Esthonians, characteristics of, 180
Estill, H. F., Beginners History of Our
Country, 7, 12, 13, 19, 21, 25, 32, 50,
96, 97, 114

Europeans: characteristics of: Belgians,
180; Danes, 180; Dutch, 180; English,
177-78; Eskimos, 180; Esthonians, 180;
Finns, 180; French, 178; Germans, 178-
79; Greeks, 181; Icelanders, 180; Irish,
180-81; Letts, 180; Lithuanians, 180;
Magyars, 181; Poles, 180; Portuguese,
181; Russians, 179; Scandinavians, 180;
Spanish, 181; Swiss, 179; Turks, 180.
See under names of countries

Evans, L. B., The Essential Facts in
American History, 5, 11, 12, 13, 15, 19,
21, 25, 38, 50, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 67,
78, 81, 82, 89, 90, 100, 104, 105, 112,
119, 121

Exports to the United States. See Trade
under names of countries

Fairchild, H. P., Elements of Social Sci-
ence, 161

INDEX

289

Fairgrieve and Young, Human Geography
by Grades, Homes Far Away, Book II,
176, 180

"Famous Protest against the American
War, A," 203

Far East, immigrants from: character-
istics of, 160; problem of restriction, of,
160-61

"Fatherland, The," 212

Federal Council of the Churches of Christ
in America, 252

Federalists, The, 36

Field, W. T., First Reader, 212

Finch, C. E., Everyday Civics, 141, 142,
143, 144, 145, 147, 148, 149, 154, 169,
170, 171

Finns, characteristics of, 180

Fish, C. R., History of America, 10, 15, 16,
19, 21, 23, 24, 31, 32, 35, 38, 41, 42, 55,
59, 71, 78, 81, 91, 93, 100, 101, 103, 104,
112, 113, 118, 120, 121

Fite, E. D.: character of treatment of
American Revolution, 15; History of
the United States, 7, 10, 15, 25, 27, 34,

40, 41, 42, 45, 46, 49, 57, 58, 69, 74,
77, 78, 81, 82, 90, 97, 103, 104, 105,

107, 109, 118, 119; The United States,
7, 19, 21, 34, 35, 41, 44, 51, 54, 75, 76,
81, 82, 86, 88, 93, 94, 95, 99, 104, 105,

108, 109, 118

Flag. See American Flag

"Flag, The," 207

"Flag Goes By, The," 207

Florida, course of study in, 245, 246, 247

Foreign language, textbooks in, 221-25

Foreign policy of the United States,
100-1; 164-66. See also United States,
foreign policy of; Monroe Doctrine;
Protectorates

Forman, S. E.: Advanced American His-
tory, 3, 5, 7, 10, 12, 19, 21, 31, 35, 40,

41, 44, 46, 59, 63, 72, 77, 81, 82, 84, 85,
90, 91, 94, 96, 97, 98, 101, 112, 117,
118, 119; The American Democracy,
142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 152,
166, 169, 170; First Lessons in Civics,
145, 146, 148, 149

France: attitude toward American mer-
chantmen, 51; attitude toward, in
American readers, 195-97; attitude
toward, in European history textbooks,
134; attitude toward, in geographies,
178; attitude of, before War of 1812, 33;
characteristics of people, in, 178;
colonial policy of, 48; commerce in,
184; in courses of study, 243; descrip-
tions of, 48, 49; diplomatic negotiations

with colonies, 52; effect of descriptions
of warfare, 52; in European histories,
134; in foreign language books, 222 ff.;
in French textbooks for public schools,
222-23; immigrants from, 156-57; mo-
tives of in allying herself in War for
American Independence, 48-50; in the
readers, 195-96; traditional friend of
United States, 48

Franciscan Sisters of the Perpetual Adora-
tion, A History of the United States for
Catholic Schools, 4, 11, 16, 19, 34, 52,
57, 69, 86

Franco-German relations: regarding
Alsace-Lorraine, 223-24; in 1870, 223;
evacuation of Germans after World
War, 224

Franklin, Benjamin, 111, 119, 169

Free speech. See American political
theories

Freedom: American favorable to, 8; of
person, 102; of the press, 102. See
American political theories

Fremont, John C., 120

French-English wars: characteristics of,
10; discussion, 10

French immigrants, characteristics of,
156-57

Friends' Peace Committee, 251

Friends' Select School of Philadelphia,
emphasis of international idea, in, 251

Fryer, J. E., The Young American Read-
ers Community Interest and Public
Spirit, 199

"Fulfillment, The," 200

Garner, J. W., Government in the United
States, 145, 148

Garner and Henson, Our Country's His-
tory, 5, 7, 11, 12, 16, 24, 35, 39, 40,
50, 52, 56, 58, 62, 63, 73, 78, 82, 92,
93, 94, 98, 99, 105, 109, 110, 118, 119,
121, 125

Garrison, William L., 120

"General Joseph Warren's Address," 204

General character of material in readers,
193-94

Genet episode, 31, 51, 52

Geneva Award, 43

Geography: courses of study in, 242-43;
textbooks in, 175-90

George III, 17; characteristics of, 20-21;
his program in relation to American
colonies, 21-22, 154, 198

Georgia, Manual for Georgia Teachers,
246, 247, 248

290

CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Germans: in attempt to involve the
United States in war with Mexico, 73;
attitude toward trade with the United
States, 185; characteristics of, during
colonial period, 55; Kultur, 60-61; as
immigrants to America, ;87, 157-59;
methods of warfare during World War,
63-65, 158; and other Europeans, 178-
79; in World War, 60, 133 ff.
Germany: in civics, economic and social
problems textbooks, 157-59; in geog-
raphies, 178-79; in history textbooks,
55-67, 133 ff.; in readers, 197-201
Gettell, R. G., The Constitution of the
United States, 139, 142, 143, 145, 146,
147, 150, 151, 154, 155, 165, 166
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 9
"Give me liberty or give me death," 203
Gladstone, William, 142
Good Will Day, 248
Gordon, E. K, Fifth Reader, 204, 212
Gordon, E. K., and Stockard, M., Second

Reader, 210

Gordy, W. F.: History of the United
States, 6, 12, 14, 15, 19, 25, 31, 37, 40,
44, 52, 58, 59, 66, 72, 78, 82, 86, 87, 89,
90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 101, 105,
109, 111, 112, 114, 118, 119, 121;
Stories of Later American History, 50,
117, 118, 119, 120
Government, purpose of, 141
Grant, Ulysses S., 120
Greeks: characteristics of, 181; as im-
migrants to America, 162
Greenan and Meredith, Everyday Prob-
lems of American Democracy, 142, 143,
144, 145, 147, 148, 149, 152, 157, 160,
164, 165, 166, 168, 170
Greene, F. N., My Country's Voice, 193,

196, 197
Greene, Nathaniel, 118

Guitteau, W. B.: The History of the
United States, 14, 19, 21, 25, 32, 35, 46,
58, 65, 66, 70, 78, 79, 81, 90; Our
United States, 5, 6, 12, 15, 19, 20, 21,
31, 32, 35, 38, 41, 44, 53, 54, 57, 60,
61, 66, 73, 76, 78, 88, 91, 92, 99, 100,
111, 112, 113, 118, 121, 124, 125; Pre-
paring for Citizenship, 140, 141, 145,
146, 148, 149, 151, 153, 166, 169, 247;
character of treatment of American
Revolution, 15

Hague Conference, 62, 78
"Hail Columbia," 217
Haiti, 98, 166

Hale, Edward Everett, 204, 205
Hale, Nathan, 118, 213

Haliburton, M. W.: Fourth Reader, 204;
Fifth Reader, 203, 204, 205, 210

Hall, Smither, and Ousley, History of the
United States, 7, 25, 26, 28, 32, 34, 37,
38, 41, 50, 52, 57, 59, 73, 78, 89, 93,
96, 97, 98, 109, 117, 130

Halleck, R. P., History of Our Country,
7, 8, 10, 15, 21, 25, 27, 34, 36, 41, 49,
50, 58, 59, 62, 71, 77, 82, 93, 96, 97,

99, 105, 110, 112, 113, 115, 119, 121
Halleck and Frantz, Our Nation's Heri-
tage, 110, 111, 118, 119

Hamilton, Alexander, 119, 169
Hancock, John, 154
"Happy Is Our Soldier Band," 219
Harrison, Benjamin, 212
Hart, A. B.: New American History, 9,
19, 21, 24, 35, 48, 52, 69, 78, 89, 91,

100, 112, 118, 119; School History of
the United States, 19, 21, 34, 36, 40, 42,
52, 74, 84, 87, 90, 93, 97, 103, 104, 108,
113, 118, 119

Hart, J. K., Social Life and Institutions,
144

Hartwell, E. C., Story Hour Readings:
Fourth Year, 204, 205, 210, 213; Fifth
Year, 199, 200, 204, 205, 208, 210;
Sixth Year, 203, 204, 205, 206, 208,
211, 212; Seventh Year, 203, 204, 205,
212; Eighth Year, 205, 206, 213

Haviland, Walter W., principal of Friends'
Select School of Philadelphia, 251

Hawaiian Islands, 95-96

Hawthorne, Hildegarde, 212

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 204, 205

Hay, John, 120

Hayes, B. T., American Democracy, 141,
143, 146, 147, 148, 154, 156, 159, 165,
168, 169

Hayes, C. J. H., 253

Hayes and Moon, Modern History, 132,

133, 134, 135
"Hear O Ye Nations," 221

Heath Readers: Fourth Reader, 212;

Fifth Reader, 205, 209; Sixth Reader,

204, 206, 207
Hemans, Felicia, 206
Henry, Patrick, 24, 117, 169

Hepner, W. R., and F. K., The Good
Citizen, 141, 142, 144, 145, 154, 162

Herkimer, General, "the hero of Ori-
skany," 118

INDEX

291

Heroes: in courses in history, 247;
description of, 36, 114, 117-21, 188-89

Hervey, W. L., and Hix, Melvin, Horace
Mann Readers: Fourth Reader, 207;
Fifth Reader, 203, 204, 205, 209, 210;
Sixth Reader, 203, 204, 205, 213;
Seventh Reader, 205, 207, 209; Eighth
Reader, 203, 204, 205, 209, 212, 213;
Introductory Fourth Reader, 208

Hessians, 55

Hill, H. C., Community Life and Civic
Problems, 144, 145, 147, 152, 160, 168

Hill, Mabel, Lessons for Junior Citizens,
170

Hindus, as immigrants to America, 161

Hirshfield, David, 13

History: courses of study in, 246-49;
textbooks in, 3-141

Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 207

Home, C. F., The Story of Our American
People, 3, 4, 7, 8, 10, 12, 15, 16, 20, 21,
23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 32, 34, 35, 38, 40,
42, 44, 46, 51, 53, 59, 66, 71, 73, 74, 75,
79, 82, 84, 91, 94, 97, 102, 103, 105, 107,
109, 110, 111, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118,
119, 121

Houston, Sam, 120

"How Andy Helped To Capture the Red-
coats," 202

Huerta, 73

Hughes, R. O.: Community Civics, 149;
Economic Cimcs, 142, 144, 145, 146, 147,
148, 149, 152, 154, 166, 167, 170; New
Community Civics, 139, 141, 144, 145,
146, 170; Text-Book in Citizenship,
141, 144, 145, 146, 147, 152, 161, 163,
167, 169, 171

Huguenots, as settlers, 48

Hulbert, A. B., United States History, 8,
11, 16, 19, 21, 34, 35, 41, 45, 46, 55,
57, 72, 79, 81, 90, 91, 93

Huntington, Ellsworth, Asia, 175, 178,
179, 180, 181, 182

Hyde, Modern Biography, 251

Ibafiez, Blasco, Vistas Sudamericanas,

224, 225
Iceland, characteristics of people in, 180

Idaho: Courses of Study for Public
Schools, 247; Manual and Courses of
Study for High Schools, 246

Immigrants to United States: contribu-
tions of, 151; duties of, to U.S., 88;
economic effect of, 152; English, 153-
56; Germans, 157-59; Irish, 84-85;
Italians, 162; loyalty in World War,

152; Mexicans, 163; oriental, 159-60;
political ideas of, 152; Southern and
Eastern Europe, 161-63. See under dif-
ferent nationalities.

Immigration, 86-88, 151-63. See Immi-
grants

Imports from the United States. See
trade under names of countries

Impressment of American seamen. See

War of 1812
"Independence Bell," 204

Indian, the: characteristics of, 91; policy
of the United States government
toward, 91-92, 163

Indianapolis, Course of Study in American

Citizenship, 251
"In Flanders Field," 199

International attitudes in some European
history textbooks, 131-35

Iowa, Course in American Citizenship,
244

Irish: in Catholic histories, 85 ff.; char-
acteristics of, 85, 180; immigrants, 84-
85; sentiment in the United States
toward, 85-86

Irving, Washington, 205

Italians: characteristics of, 179; as im-
migrants to America, 162; in Italian
textbooks used in American schools,
225; trade with the United States, 185

"Jabez Rockwell's Powder Horn," 202

Jackson, Andrew: at Horseshoe Bend,
38; in Mexican situation in 1837, 69,
120, 169; in spoliation claims, 51; his
victory at New Orleans, 39

James and Sanford: American History,
15, 19, 21, 34, 43, 91, 96, 117; character
of treatment of American Revolution,
15

Jamestown, 9

Japanese: characteristics of, 175, 182;

early progress of, 181; sending of dolls

to children of, by school children of

America, 252; trade with the United

States, 186
Japanese- American relations, 82-83;

Perry's visit to Japan, 82; restriction of

Japanese to the United States, 83, 161;

United States in Russo-Japanese War,

82
Jay, John: quoted, 49; treaty, by, 32,

51-52
Jefferson, Thomas, 84; in Chesapeake and

Leopard Affair, 37, 119, 205

292

CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Jenks and Smith, We and Our Govern-
ment, 140, 141, 142, 145, 146, 148, 153,
157, 160, 162, 168, 170

Jews, as immigrants to America, 162-63

Joan of Arc, heroic figure of French text-
books, 222

"Joan and Pierre," 196

Joffre, visit of, to United States, 53

Jones, John Paul, 118, 169, 205

Jones, William, 212

Junior Red Cross, 252

Kaiser Wilhelm, 198
Keller, William H., 210
Knowlton, P. A., First Lessons in Geog-
raphy, 188, 190
Kultur, German, 60, 61

Labiche and Martin, Le voyage de Mon-
sieur Perrichon, 222

Lafayette, 50, 53, 196

Lake County, Indiana, social studies
course, 250

"Landing of the Pilgrims, The," 206

Lane, Franklin L., 208

Lansing and Jones, Government in State
and Nation, 141, 142, 143, 144, 149, 154

Lapp, J. A., Our America, 141, 142, 143,
145, 146, 165, 169

Latane, J. H., A History of the United
States, 5, 13, 21, 24, 34, 41, 45, 46, 58,
59, 81, 118, 119

Latvia, characteristics of people in, 180

Lavisse, Ernest, Histoire de France, 222,
223

Lawler, T. B., Essentials of American
History, 11, 16, 19, 21, 32, 41, 78

Laws, 229 ff.; citizenship and loyalty of
teachers, 237-39; the curriculum, 229-
32; observance days, 239-41 ; textbooks,
232-34; use of English and foreign
language, 234-37

Lee, Charles, 119

Lee, Robert E., 120

Lefferts, Walter, Our Own United States,
188

Leger, Sir William, 118

Lenine, 78

"Leon and Marcel," story of, 195-96

Leonard and Jacobs, The Nation's His-
tory, 7, 19, 20, 32, 34, 40, 50, 56, 73, 81,
82, 88, 94, 97, 104, 105, 110, 119

"Let Dread War Cease," 221

"Let Peace Endure," 221

Levis, E. C., Citizenship, 141, 142, 144,

146, 148, 149
Lew, Timothy T., "China in American

School Textbooks," 80
Lewis and Clark, 120
Lewis and Rowland, The Silent Readers:

Fourth Reader, 196; Fifth Reader, 196,

205; Seventh Reader, 198, 205, 212;

Eighth Reader, 195, 197, 199, 200, 201,

208, 211, 212

"Lexington and Concord," 203
Liberty: concept of, in study of the

Revolution, 29-35; preservation of, 103
Lincoln, Abraham, 111, 120, 169, 212
Lithuania, characteristics of people in, 180
Locke, John, 24

Long, J. R., Government and the People,
141, 145, 163, 167, 168

Long, W. J., America, 7, 10, 11, 15, 16,
23, 25, 28, 29, 31, 38, 39, 41, 48, 51,
53, 59, 66, 67, 69, 71, 72, 77, 90, 91,
92, 93, 94, 96, 98, 99, 104, 106, 107,
108, 113, 116, 121

Longfellow, William W., 204

Louisburg, return to France, 11

Lowell, James Russell, 212

Loyalists. See Tories

Loyalty. See Patriotism

Lusitania, 60, 65, 158-59

Lyman and Hill, Literature and Living:
Book Three, 207, 208, 212, 213

McCarthy, C. H., History of the United

States for Catholic Schools, 5, 7, 19, 21,

25, 39, 58, 72, 73, 78, 86
McClenahan, P. C., Course in American

Citizenship, 244
MacDonough: superiority of American

seamanship, 39; victory of, on Lake

Erie in 1814, 39
McKinley, William, 120

McLaughlin, A. C.: character of treat-
ment of American Revolution, 15; His-
tory of the American Nation, 3, 7, 8, 15,
19', 21, 22, 23, 25, 31, 34, 40, 42, 46,
49, 51, 52, 59, 63, 75, 78, 81, 89, 94,
97, 101, 103, 104, 105, 113, 118

McLaughlin and VanTyne, A History of
the United States for Schools, 11, 19, 21,
34, 39, 42, 49, 52, 56, 70, 71, 90, 95,
96, 100, 118

McManus and Haaren, Natural Method
Readers: Third Reader, 202, 205, 207;
Fifth Reader, 204

INDEX

293

McMaster, J. B., A School History of the
United States, 7, 10, 11, 21, 25, 36, 40,
43, 50, 52, 95, 97, 99, 119

McMurry and Parkins, Advanced Geog-
raphy, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183,
184, 187, 189, 190

McNeal, E. H., Modern Europe and Its
Beginnings, 132, 133, 134

Mace, W. H.: Primary History of the
United States, 117, 118, 120; School His-
tory of the United States, 6, 11, 19, 21,
25, 35, 40, 44, 52, 53, 56, 72, 79, 82,
88, 97, 99, 100, 119

Mace and Bogardus, History of the United
States, 7, 10, 11, 19, 21, 32, 35, 39, 41,
42, 49, 52, 59, 69, 71, 73, 74, 78, 82, 84,
88, 90, 91, 94, 98, 101, 104, 105, 110,
112, 118, 119, 121, 123, 125

Macy, Arthur, 208

Madison, James, 33, 34, 35, 119, 169

Magna Charta, 143, 154

Magruder, F. A., American Government
in 1923, 141, 142

Magyars, characteristics of, 181

Mairet, La Tdche du petit Pierre, 223

Majority Rule, 147 ff.

"Makers of the Flag, The," 208

"Man without a Country, The," 213

Manila, episode of, 58

"Marching Song of Stark's Men, The," 204

Marion, 26, 118, 203

Marshall, John, 120, 169

Maryland, Baltimore schools, course of
study in, 249

Mason and Slidell, capture of, 43

Massachusetts: bulletin, 246; Plan for
the Study of the Constitution, 246;
Teachers' Manual of the United States
History for Grades 7 and 8, 247

Mavity, A. B., and N. C., Responsible
Citizenship, 143, 144, 145, 146, 149,
155, 156, 160, 161, 163, 165, 167, 168,
169

Maximilian Affair, 53

Mayflower Compact, 103, 143^-4

Menendez, attack on Ribaut, 4-5

Meras and Roth, Petits conies de France,
222, 223

Mercantile theory, 16

Merimee, Colomba, 223

Metternich, 132, 134

Mexico: characteristics of people, 71-72,
163, 183; French desire for territory in,
53; government of, 163; immigrants

from, 163; Santa Anna, president of, 71 ;

and the United States during Wilson's

administration, 72-73; war with the

United States, 69-72, 163
Military Order of the World War, the, 123
Minnesota, Curriculum for Elementary

Schools, 243

Minority opinion, 147 ff.
"Minute Men of '76, The," 204
Mirick, G. A., Home Life around the

World, 179

Mississippi: Department of Education
Bulletin, 246; high schools, 246

Missouri, course of study in, 243, 244-45,

247, 248

Molasses Act, 14

Monroe Doctrine: Anglo-American rela-
tions regarding Venezuelan boundary
dispute, 42, 44, 45, 53, 59; effect of its
declaration on American people, 100-1,
158; as phase of United States foreign
policy in dealing with European powers,
74; protectorates, 166, 189; purpose of,
74, 164-65; in relation to Russia, 77, 98

Monroe, James, 120, 164

Monroe and Miller, The American Spirit a
Basis for World Democracy, 205

Montana, course of study in, 243, 246
Monvert, A. de, La Belle France, 222, 223

Morehouse and Graham, American Prob-
lems, 145, 149, 162, 167, 168, 170, 171

Morgan, D. S., Living and Working
Together, 141, 143, 145, 148, 154, 170

Morgan, General, 118

Morris, Charles, Home Life in All Lands,

Book I, 175

Morris, Robert, 119, 205
Munro, W. B., Current Problems in

Citizenship, 140, 142, 143, 145, 147,

148, 152, 155, 157, 160, 161, 166, 168,
170

Munro and Ozanne, Social Civics, 140,
141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 143,

149, 151, 155, 160, 161, 163, 164, 165,
166, 170, 171

Music: textbooks in, 217-21; elementary,
218; upper grades and high school, 219

Muzzey, D. S.: An American History,
3, 7, 11, 14, 15, 16, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24,
25, 31, 34, 36, 38, 40, 41, 42, 46, 48, 49,
57, 59, 62, 69, 71, 73, 78, 81, 84, 89, 90,
91, 93, 95, 110, 112, 118, 119, 121; His-
tory of the American People, 3, 6, 7;
criticism of, 13

"My Country," 217

294

CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

Napoleon, 51, 77, 134, 135; as a heroic
figure in French textbooks, 222; rela-
tions with colonies, 52

National Education Association, 248, 249

Nationality, meaning of, 116

Natural rights, doctrine of, 24, 143

Naval war of 1798, 50

Navigation laws, 13, 15

Negro: in America, 89-91; character-
istics of, 90-91; problem of, 163; treat-
ment of, in textbooks, 89 8., 163 ff.

Nelson, Ernesto, Spanish American Read-
er, 225

Nesbit, Wilbur, D., 207

Neutrality Act, 31

"New American Hymn," 217

New Mexico, course of study, 242

New York: civics courses, in, 250; ele-
mentary schools, 246; report of text-
books used in city schools, 13

Nicaragua, 98, 166

Nicholson, Meredith, Heart of America
Readers: Third Reader, 209, 210, 211;
Fourth Reader, 203, 204; Fifth Reader,
206, 208

Nida, W. L., The Dawn of American His-
tory in Europe, 6, 48

Northwest Ordinance, 103

O'Hara, J. P., A History of the United
States, 10, 11, 19, 21, 35, 39, 73, 121

Oklahoma, course of study, 244, 246

"Old Bay," 202

Opportunities for foreigners. See United
States, the land of opportunity

Oregon: reports concerning, 42; state
course of study, 246, 248; treaty in
regard to, 41

Otis, James, 16, 119

"Our Mutual Interests," 201-2

"Our Native Song," 217

Packard and Sinnott, Nations as Neigh-
bors, 176, 177, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184,
189, 190

Pan- Americanism, 75, 165

Pan- American Union, 75, 190

Panama Canal region, 96 ff.

Panama revolt, 75, 97

"Parade, The," 220

"Patriot of Georgia, A," 202

Patriotism: characteristics of Americans,
114-15, 130; in courses of study in his-
tory, 246; in music textbooks, 221;

questionnaire among school children on,

124-30

"Paul Revere's Ride," 204
Peace of Paris, 31
Penn, William, 119, 205
Pennsylvania, Manual and Courses of

Study for Elementary Schools, 243, 246,

247, 248
Perdue, H. A., Child Life in Other Lands,

180
Perry: victory of, on Lake Erie, 38;

description of American fighting, 38
Pershing, John, 120

Peruvians: characteristics of, 183; trade

with the United States, 186
Petition of Right, 143, 154

Petition, right of, 102. See American po-
litical theories

Philippines: American work in, 94-95; de-
pendency of the United States, 93-95

Pierce, B. L., Public Opinion and the
Teaching of History in the United
States, 14, 230

Pierpont, John, 204

Pinchot, Gifford, 120

Pinckney, 51

Pitcher, Molly, 205

Pitt, William, 29, 203

Platt Amendment, 93

"Playing Soldier," 220

"Pledge, The," 199

"Pledge of the Athenian Youths," 210

"Pledge to the Flag, The," 210

Poland, characteristics of people in, 180

Political parties, affiliation with, 147

Political problems, textbooks in, 141-77

Political rights. See American political
theories

Political theories. See American political
theories

Porto Rico, 95

Portuguese, characteristics of, 181

Pratt, M. L. : America's Story for America's
Children, 25; Stories of Colonial Chil-
dren, 206

Preparedness, as treated by textbook
authors, 99, 121, 170

Proclamation Line of 1763, 16

"Promised Land, The," 113

Property holding, right of, 102

Prosperity. See United States, advan-
tages of, land of opportunity

INDEX

295

Protectorates of the United States, 98.
See Caribbean, Monroe Doctrine,
Foreign policy of the United States

Public officials: characteristics of, 104-5,
146; duty of, 105, 146

Public opinion, 145

Public and the School, The, quoted, 252

Public school curriculum, 250

Pupils: in schools, attitude toward the
United States and foreign countries,
128 ff.; toward patriotism, 125 ff.

Puritans, reasons for migration to the
United States, 10

Putnam, Israel, 118

Quaker schools, Courses of Study, in, 251

Racial elements in the United States, 84-

92
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 9

Readers: England in, 201-4; France in,

195-97; general character of materials

in, 193-94; Germany in, 197-201;

United States in, 207-13
Reconcentrados, 7
"Red Coats," 202
Reed, T. H., Loyal Citizenship, 141, 142,

143, 144, 146, 147, 149, 152, 166, 169,

170, 171
Religious freedom, 102, 167, 250. See

American political theories
Representation, theory of, 17-21
Republicans, 36
Revere, Paul, 24, 118, 204
Rexford and Carson, The Constitution of

Our Country, 142, 144, 146, 148, 154,

168, 170
Ribaut, attacked by Menendez, 4-5

Robbins, C. L., School History of the
American People, 8, 11, 19, 21, 32, 46,
58, 59, 62, 73, 78, 90, 92, 93, 94, 97,
99, 100, 101, 105, 109, 118

Robertson, James, 120

Robinson, E. V., Commercial Geography,
177, 178, 179, 180, 182, 183, 184, 189,
190

Robinson, J. H., 256

Rochambeau, 53, 196

Roosevelt, 59, 75, 96-97, 109, 120, 169

Root, Elihu, 120

Rugg, Harold, The Social Science Pamph-
lets I, 91, 110, 112, 113

Rush-Bagot Agreement of 1817, 41

Russia and the United States, during the
Civil War, 77-78; attitude toward, in
European history textbooks, 134

Russians, characteristics of, 179; trade
with the United States, 185

Russo-Japanese War, 82

St. Louis Schools, Social Studies Cur-
riculum Bulletin, 249
Samoan incident, 56, 57-58
Santa Anna, president of Mexico, 71
Santo Domingo, 98, 166
Scandinavians, characteristics, 180
Schleswig and Holstein, 62

Scotch and Irish in the United States, 84-
86

Scott, J. F., The Menace of Nationalism
in Education, 124

Seal fisheries: arbitration of, 44; con-
troversy of, 44

Searson, Martin, and Tinley, Studies in
Reading: First, 205, 210; Third, 210,
212

Secular institutions, characteristics of
courses in social studies, 252

"Sergeant, The," 218

Seward, William, 120

Shepherd, W. G., The Boy's Own Book of
Politics, 145, 146, 147, 171

Sioux City, Iowa, courses of study in, 250

Slavery, negro. See Negro

"Smallest Soldier of All," 196

Smith, C. J., The Easy Road to Reading:
Third Reader, 207

Smith, Eleanor, Music Course: Book
One, 220; Book Three, 218; Book Four,
217, 220

Smith, Goldwin, 43

Smith, John, 119, 205

Smith, J. R., Human Geography, Book I,
177, 178, 179, 183, 188; Human Geog-
raphy, Book II, 176, 177, 179, 180, 181,
182, 184, 189

Social contract, theory of, 143

Social problems, textbooks in, 141-77

Sociology, textbooks in, 141-77. See
Social problems

"Soldier Song," 220

"Song of Marion's Men," 204

Songs of Childhood, 220

Sons of the American Revolution, 13

South America: characteristics of people
in, 183; increasing trade of, with North

296

CIVIC ATTITUDES IN TEXTBOOKS

America, 76, 184; Monroe Doctrine
in, 74; relations with the United
States, 74-76

South Dakota, High School Manual, 246

Southworth, A. T., The Common Sense
of the Constitution of the United States,
143, 149, 154, 169

Spain: in Catholic histories, 5; cause of
the United States intervention in be-
half of Cuba in 1898, 6-8, 181; char-
acteristics of, during period of explora-
tion, 3-4; colonial policy of, 5-8; credit
for discovery of new world, 3; in his-
tories, 3-6; in incident of Menendez
and Ribaut, 4-5 ; in Protestant histories,
5; in Spanish textbooks, 224

Spanish-American War, attitude of Euro-
pean Powers, 8, 46 ff.; causes of, 6; com-
parison of Spain and United States, 8;
influence in making United States
world-power, 164

"Speed Our Republic," 217

"Spirit of Peace, The," 221

Spoils system, 105, 146

Stamp Act, 15, 16

"Star Spangled Banner, The," 217

Stark, John, 118

Stephenson, N. W., and M. T., A School
History of the United States, 9, 19, 21,
25, 26, 28, 35, 41, 42, 43, 46, 50, 59,
62, 63, 71, 82, 87, 96, 97, 108, 109, 112,
118, 119, 121, 122

Steuben, Baron von, 56

Struggle between France and England in
the eighteenth century: French and
Indian War, 11-13; return of Louisburg
to France, 10-11

Submarine. See Germany

Suffrage, exercise of, 144-45

Sugar Act, the, 14-15

Sullivan, Mark, Our Times: The United
States 1900-1925, Vol. I: The Turn of
the Century, 58

Sumter, 118

Swiss: characteristics of, 179; trade with

United States, 185
Syrians, as immigrants to America, 162

Tappan, E. M., American Hero Stories,

119
Tarr and McMurry: New Geographies

First Book, 176, 177, 181, 182, 188, 189,

190; New Geographies Second Book,

178, 179, 180, 182, 190
Taxation, 19-20, 148 ff. See Citizenship

Taylor, Zachary, 71

"Tea Party, A," 203

Teacher of history, influence of, 30

Texas, independence of, 70

Textbooks: characteristics of, 16, 30,
254-56; critics of, 24; influence of con-
tents on readers, 254 ; political concepts
in, 255; treatment of different nations,
254-55. See History, Geography, etc.

Thomas, A. A., 248

Thompson, C. M., History of the United
States, Political, Social, and Industrial,
108

Thompson, Waddy: First Book in United
States History, 7, 16, 21, 27, 34, 62, 86,
88, 97, 101, 108, 119, 121; A History
of the People of the United States, 5, 6,
10, 11, 16, 19, 26, 32, 35, 39, 40, 41,
45, 52, 58, 63, 72, 77, 86, 93, 96, 97, 112,
118, 121, 125

Thwaites and Kendall, A History of the
United States, 11, 19, 20, 41, 44, 56,
62, 65, 69, 77, 87, 93, 94, 96, 105, 109,
110, 118, 119, 121

Tories, 22-23, 30

Towne, E. T., Social Problems, 160, 161

Trade among nations, 184-87; influence of
transportation on, 176

Transportation, influence of, on interde-
pendence of nations, 176

Treaty of Washington, 43

Trent Affair, English recognition of, 43

Trial by jury, 102

Triple Alliance, 62

Trotsky, Leon, 78

"True Patriotism," 212

Try on and Lingley, The American People
and Nation, 6, 7, 21, 34

Turkey, 134

Turkington, G. A.: Community Civics,
141, 145, 146, 167, 168, 170; My
Country, 141, 149, 153, 156, 158, 163,
167, 168, 169, 170, 171

Turks, characteristics of, 180

"Union and Liberty," 207

United States: amusements in, 109; atti-
tude toward, by foreign nations, 9;
climate of, 188; defense from foreign
countries, 169-70; dependencies of, 93-
99; education, 109, 189, 211, 250;
foreign policy of, 100-101, 164 ff.;
freedom from military requirements,
167; government of, 123, 144, 250;
humanitarianism, 110-11, 125; in-

INDEX

297

vincibility in arms, 36, 38, 39, 40, 122,
169, 171; land of opportunity, 107, 111,
113, 116, 167, 188 ff., 211, 250; litera-
ture in, 109; peace advocate, 124, 170;
political and religious freedom, 167,
250; natural resources, 188-89; social
ideals in, 125; world-minded, 111. See
America, Americans

United States, Bureau of Education, 248
Utah, course of study, 243, 247, 248

Valley Forge, effect of description of, 26
Van Home, John, II Risorgimento, 225
Venezuelan boundary dispute: effect of,

on Anglo-American relations, 44-45;

Germany refuses arbitration in, 59
Venezuelans: characteristics of, 183;

trade with the United States, 186
Villa, 73

Viviani, visit of, to United States, 53
Vollentine, Grace, The Making of

America, 52, 70, 109, 112

War: in civics books, 170; in histories,
121; in music textbooks, 218 ff.; in the
readers, 212. See Preparedness
'War Hawks," 35

"War's Recompense," 200-201

War of 1812, 35-40; causes of, 35, 36; cost
of, 40; descriptions favorable to the
United States, 40; results of, 40; time-
liness of, 35

Washington, Booker T., 90

Washington, D.C., burning of, 38-39

Washington, George, 23, 53, 56, 100, 111,
118, 120, 154, 165, 169, 202, 212

Wayne, Anthony, 118

Webster, Daniel, 120, 169, 204

Webster-Ashburton Treaty, latent Brit-
ish-American feeling aroused, 42

West, W. M.: character of treatment of
American Revolution, 15; criticism of,
13; History of the American People, 14,
15, 16, 21, 23, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40, 41, 49,
50, 52, 58, 63, 64, 65, 69, 72, 97, 121;
World Progress, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135

West and West, The Story of Our Country,
7, 10, 15, 19, 21, 24, 25, 26, 35, 36, 41,
42, 44, 45, 86, 87, 89, 90, 94, 97, 98,

99, 100, 108, 109, 110, 113, 116, 118,
121, 125

Weyler, General, 6-7

"What Constitutes a State," 212

Whigs, 23

Whitbeck, R. H., High School Geography,
176, 177, 178, 179, 182, 183, 184, 185

White, H. A., Beginner's History of the
United States, 7, 71, 104, 117, 118

"Who Patriots Are," 212

Wilkins and Marinoni, L' Italia, 225

Williams, Roger, 119

Williamson, T. R., Problems in American
Democracy, 139, 140, 143, 145, 146, 147

Wilson, President, in Mexican situation,
72-74, 120

Winthrop, John, 119

Wisconsin, course of study, 243, 246

Withers, Sarah, and others, The Child's
World: Second Reader, 211

Woodburn and Moran: The Citizen and
the Republic, 139, 142, 143, 145, 146,
147, 149, 151, 156, 158, 159, 162, 164,
165, 168, 171; Elementary American
History and Government, 6, 12, 19, 21,
22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 31, 35, 42, 63, 65,
68, 76, 78, 88, 96, 97, 98, 99, 104, 109,
112, 113, 118, 119

World Federation of Education Associa-
tion, in teaching history, 248

"World Peace," 220

World War: background of, 61; cause of,
62; characteristics of Germans, 60;
characterizations of belligerants, 64,
178-79; for democracy, 66; England an
ally of United States in, 46; motives of
German invasion, 61; stories of, 195-97;
United States aids France in, 53

Writs of Assistance, 16

XYZ affair, 52

"Yankee Doodle," 217

"Your Best and Hardest Job," 212

"Your Flag and My Flag," 207

Ziegler and Jacquette, Our Community,
139, 141, 143, 144, 145, 147, 148, 149,
170, 171

Zimmerman note, 65

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